UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT   LOS  ANGELES 


UNIVERSITY    OF    PENNSYLVANIA 

THE  UNIVERSITY  MUSEUM 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


VOLUME  IV 


PHILADELPHIA 

THE  UNIVERSITY  MUSEUM 

1911-1914 


CONTENTS. 


Number  1.     THE  TAHLTAN  INDIANS,  G.  T.  Emmons,  pages  1  to  120, 
map,  plates  I  to  XIX. 


Number  2.     SACRED    BUNDLES   OF   THE    SAC   AND    Fox    INDIANS, 
M.  R.  Harrington,  pages  123  to  262,  plates  XX  to  XL. 


UNIVERSITY    OF    PENNSYLVANIA 

THE    MUSEUM 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUBLICATIONS 
VOL.    IV  NO,    I 


THE  TAHLTAN   INDIANS 


G.   T.   EMMONS 


ILLUSTRATED  BY  SPECIMENS  IN  THE 
GEORGE  G.  HEYE  COLLECTION 


PHILADELPHIA 
PUBLISHED   BY   THE    UNIVERSITY   MUSEUM 

1911 


DEPARTMENT  OF  ANTHROPOLOGY 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  CF  CALIFORNIA. 
AFFILIATED  COLLEGES.    SAM  PBAJJClSCt 


UNIVERSITY    OF    PENNSYLVANIA 

THE    MUSEUM 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUBLICATIONS 
VOL.    IV  N  O.     I 


THE   TAHLTAN    INDIANS 

BY 

G.    T.    EMMONS 


ILLUSTRATED   BY  SPECIMENS   IN  THE 
GEORGE  G.  HEYE  COLLECTION 


PHILADELPHIA 

PUBLISHED    BY    THE    UNIVERSITY    MUSEUM 
1911 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION 5 

THE  TAHLTAN  COUNTRY 9 

HISTORY  AND  TRIBAL  DIVISIONS n 

THE  PORTLAND  CANAL  PEOPLE 21 

PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS 23 

MORAL  AND  MENTAL  CHARACTERISTICS 25 

GOVERNMENT  AND  SLAVERY 27 

VILLAGES 30 

HABITATIONS 37 

DIVISION  OF  TIME 39 

LIFE  THROUGHOUT  THE  YEAR : 39 

HOUSE  LIFE 41 

CLOTHING 42 

HOUSEHOLD  IMPLEMENTS  AND  UTENSILS 48 

BAGS  AND  NETTING 49 

SNOWSHOES 60 

FOOD 62 

SMOKING  AND  ITS  SUBSTITUTES 63 

HUNTING  AND  HUNTING  IMPLEMENTS 65 

SKIN-DRESSING So 

FISH  AND  FISHING 85 

GAMBLING 88 

MARRIAGE 98 

CHILDBIRTH , 100 

NAMING 103 

PUBERTY  CUSTOMS 104 

MORTUARY  CUSTOMS 105 

FEASTS,  DANCES,  AND  OTHER  CEREMONIES 109 

THE  OTTER  SPIRIT in 

SHAMANISM 112 

MEDICAL  PRACTICE 114 

WAR  CUSTOMS 115 

LEGENDS  AND  FOLKLORE 117 

3 


INTRODUCTION 

The  Tahltan  form  the  southwesternmost  division  of  the 
Nahane,  a  branch  of  that  great  interior  aboriginal  family, 
variously  known  as  Dene,  Tinneh,  and  Athapascan,  that  ranges 
across  the  breadth  of  the  North  American  continent  almost 
from  ocean  to  ocean,  and  is  found  under  many  varied  conditions 
of  territory  and  climate  from  Mexico  to  beyond  the  Arctic  circle. 

The  Nahane,  "People  of  the  West,"  constitute  an  outpost 
of  the  Dene  culture.  They  occupy,  or  rather  roam  over,  that 
considerable  area  of  northern  British  Columbia  and  the  adjacent 
Northwest  Territories  stretching  from  the  headwaters  of  Nass 
river  to  the  uplands  of  the  Mackenzie,  and  included  between 
the  Rocky  mountains  and  the  Coast  range  —  a  broad,  broken 
plateau  the  drainage  of  which  is  distributed  by  three  great  river 
systems  to  the  Pacific,  Bering  sea,  and  the  Arctic.  This  great 
and  almost  inaccessible  stretch  is  eroded  by  glacial  action  and 
rent  by  the  convulsions  of  nature,  and  in  parts  is  little  known 
even  to  the  resident  native.  The  four  divisions  which  con- 
stitute the  Nahane  are  separate  and  distinct  tribes,  independent 
in  government  and  in  geographic  distribution,  but  with  only 
dialectic  differences  in  their  speech.  In  their  mode  of  living 
they  are  similar  to  one  another  except  where  they  have  been 
influenced  by  their  neighbors. 

The  Taku  (who  are  to  be  distinguished  from  the  Tlingit 
Taku),  one  of  the  divisions  of  the  Nahane,  occupy  the  basin  of 
Taku  river  and  its  tributaries,  and  the  lake  region  about  Atlin, 
together  with  the  southern  sources  of  Lewis  river;  but  within 
the  past  few  years,  particularly  since  the  gold  excitement  of  the 
Klondike,  they  have  deserted  their  old  villages  and  have  scat- 
tered, some  seeking  work  in  the  mining  camps,  others  settling 
among  the  Tlingit  Taku  of  the  coast  at  Takuan,  near  the  head 
of  Stevens  Passage  in  Alaska,  while  a  few  have  joined  the 


6  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.   UNIV.   OF  PA.   MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

Tahltan.  The  two  eastern  and  northern  divisions  are  known 
generally  as  Kaska,  a  corruption  of  the  native  name  of  McDane 
creek,  a  small  affluent  of  Dease  river,  where  these  people  as- 
semble in  summer  to  fish  and  trade.  They  are  a  primitive, 
nomadic  people,  hunters  of  big  game,  who  wander  in  search 
of  their  food  supply  as  changes  of  season  demand.  Their 
territory  extends  from  Dease  lake  and  Liard  river  to  the  Macken- 
zie mountains. 

The  Tahltan  constitute  the  fourth  division  of  the  Nahane; 
they  are  centered  about  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Stikine,  and 
as  far  back  as  their  traditions  extend  their  dwelling  places 
always  have  been  thereabout.  Their  hunting  grounds,  however, 
cover  an  extended  area,  including  the  drainage  basin  of  the 
Stikine  and  its  tributaries  as  far  down  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Iskoot,  the  interlocking  sources  of  the  Nass,  the  lower  half  of 
Dease  lake,  and  some  of  the  southern  branches  of  the  Taku. 
The  Nass  region  as  a  hunting  ground  was  always  in  dispute  with 
the  Nishka,  and  was  the  cause  of  bitter  feuds  and  disastrous 
wars  that  ever  kept  these  two  peoples  apart.  As  an  old  Tahltan 
expressed  the  situation,  "the  upper  Nass  land  is  ours,  and  when 
we  find  a  Nishka  hunting  there,  we  kill  him."  Rightfully  the 
upper  half  of  Dease  lake  was  Kaska  territory,  but  these  more 
simple  and  primitive  people,  with  little  or  no  tribal  organization, 
were  dominated  by  the  Tahltan,  on  whom  in  later  years  they 
were  dependent  for  the  products  of  civilization,  particularly 
arms  and  ammunition,  and  so  in  time  they  have  been  compelled 
to  share  their  half  of  the  lake,  and  even  their  land  beyond,  along 
the  river,  with  their  more  powerful  neighbors.  Their  northern 
hunting  grounds,  bordering  on  the  Sheslay  and  the  Nahlin, 
were  always  in  dispute  with  the  Taku  much  as  was  the  Nass 
region,  and  the  right  of  might  was  the  principal  factor  in  deter- 
mining the  boundary  at  different  periods.  But  to-day,  with  the 
decrease  in  population,  the  establishment  of  trading  posts  and 
the  administration  of  law,  peace  reigns  supreme,  past  differences 
are  forgotten  and  the  two  peoples  are  as  one.  A  strange  over- 


G.   T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  7 

lapping  of  Tahltan  and  Stikine  Tlingit  territory  occurred  on  the 
river  from  just  below  Glenora  to  Telegraph  creek,  a  distance  of 
some  fifteen  miles.  Here  the  Tlingit  claimed  the  exclusive 
fishing  rights  of  all  the  salmon  streams  along  the  northern  shore, 
and  the  ownership  of  the  contiguous  berry  fields,  leaving  the 
main  river,  as  well  as  all  hunting  rights,  out  of  account.  The 
value  of  these  privileges  to  the  coast  people  was  of  more  than 
seeming  importance,  for  while  salmon  which  was  their  staple 
food  supply,  was  even  more  abundant  on  the  coast,  yet  the  humid 
climate  rendered  the  curing  uncertain,  whereas  the  dry  atmos- 
phere and  continuous  sunshine  of  the  interior  promised  certainty; 
and  the  abundance  of  berries,  particularly  the  soapberry  and 
the  cranberry,  so  esteemed  for  winter  use,  are  not  indigenous 
to  the  coast. 

How  or  when  this  territorial  claim  originated  or  was  estab- 
lished is  wholly  missing  from  the  history  of  both  peoples.  Certain 
of  the  Stikine  families  of  the  Tlingit  appropriated  the  interior 
trade  and  at  prearranged  times  they  ascended  the  river  to  or 
beyond  Telegraph  creek,  where  they  met  the  Tahltan  and 
exchanged  the  products  of  the  coast,  and  later  those  of  civili- 
zation for  furs  and  caribou  skins.  This  barter  was  mutually 
advantageous,  and  was  a  factor  in  the  promotion  of  peace;  but 
the  better  armed  and  more  savage  Tlingit  was  master  of  the 
situation  and  never  permitted  the  Dene  to  penetrate  to  the 
coast  country. 

During  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  lease  of  the  Alaska 
littoral,  a  Tahltan  chief  wished  to  see  a  ship  that  was  anchored 
off  the  mouth  of  the  Stikine  river.  But  permission  to  descend  to 
salt  water,  and  a  safe  conduct,  were  granted  to  him  by  a  Stikine 
chief,  only  upon  the  payment  of  five  hundred  beaver  skins. 
Some  time  after  the  establishment  of  Dominion  authority  at 
Glenora  on  the  Stikine,  the  Tahltan  protested  against  this 
encroachment  of  the  coast  people,  and  the  waters  were  declared 
open  to  all.  This  would  show  that  at  heart  the  Tahltan  never 
acknowledged  the  right  of  this  occupancy,  but  through  necessity 
accepted  a  condition  that  they  were  unable  to  combat. 


8  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.   UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

The  account  of  the  Tahltan  here  presented  was  obtained 
during  the  summers  of  1904  and  1906. 

To  the  patient  and  kindly  investigations  of  Doctor  Frederick 
Ingles,  resident  physician  and  missionary  among  the  Tahltan, 
and  to  Warburton  Pike,  Esq.,  of  Victoria,  B.  C.,  I  am  under  deep 
obligations,  for  much  valuable  information. 

The  illustrations  are  after  photographs  made  by  the  author 
and  from  photographs  and  drawings  of  objects  in  the  George  G. 
Heye  collection  now  in  the  University  Museum. 


THE  TAHLTAN   COUNTRY 

The  country  of  the  Tahltan  may  be  divided  into  two  dis- 
tinct physiographical  and  climatic  areas  each  with  its  charac- 
teristic flora  and  fauna.  The  lower  valley  of  the  Stikine  from 
just  below  Glenora  to  the  coast,  a  direct  distance  of  about  eighty 
miles,  is  included  within  the  coastal  range  and  constitutes  a 
region  of  great  humidity,  with  leaden  skies  and  an  annual  pre- 
cipitation equalling  if  not  exceeding  that  of  the  coast  which 
reaches  a  mean  of  eighty-six  inches.  The  snowfall  thereabouts 
is  excessive,  and  accounts  for  the  extensive  glaciers  that  fill  the 
valleys;  and  long  after  spring  has  opened  in  the  colder  interior 
the  lower  river  flats  are  covered  with  their  burden  of  snow  and 
ice.  The  general  trend  of  the  mountains  is  parallel  with  the 
coast,  but  the  ridges  present  so  little  uniformity  in  direction, 
that  the  impression  is  given  of  mountains  piled  one  upon  another, 
a  chaotic,  rugged  mass  of  rock  with  peaks  reaching  an  altitude 
of  eight  thousand  to  ten  thousand  feet.  The  more  equable 
climate  and  the  constant  rain  induce  a  luxuriant  vegetation. 
Forests  of  spruce,  fir,  cedar  and  hemlock  cover  the  mountain 
slopes  to  the  limit  of  tree  growth,  while  in  the  river  valleys 
cottonwoods  grow  to  considerable  size,  and  groves  of  alder  and 
willow,  with  the  devil's  club  and  berry  bushes,  form  an  almost 
impenetrable  barrier.  Animal  life  is  greatly  wanting  here. 
The  mountain  goat,  the  marmot,  and  bears  of  the  brown  and 
black  species  live  in  the  mountains,  while  otter,  beaver,  marten, 
mink,  ermine,  porcupine,  wolves,  and  foxes  are  found  in  limited 
numbers  in  the  lower  lands.  Grouse,  ptarmigan,  eagles,  ravens, 
and  crows  are  the  most  numerous  of  the  permanent  feathered 
residents,  while  spring  and  fall  are  marked  by  extensive  migra- 
tions of  wild  fowl  about  the  water  courses.  It  maybe  pertinent 


10  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.   UNIV.   OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

to  remark  here,  that  this  region  which  may  be  characterized  as 
the  wet  belt  has  never  been  inhabited  by  either  Tahltan  or 
Tlingit  in  the  sense  that  they  have  permanently  occupied  it  and 
it  is  scarcely  more  popular  as  a  hunting  ground  owing  to  its 
poverty  and  inaccessibility. 

Beyond  Glenora,  which  is  at  the  inland  limit  of  the  coastal 
mountains,  a  wholly  different  character  of  country  is  found: 
one  that  approximates  the  more  southerly  dry  belt  of  British 
Columbia.  The  land  is  rolling  and  much  broken.  The  effect 
of  glacial  action  is  everywhere  evident  in  the  well  rounded  hills 
and  the  level  valley  floors  of  silt  and  clay  through  which  the 
rivers  have  cut  deep  canons.  At  many  points  the  basaltic 
flow  speaks  of  volcanic  energies  antedating  the  ice  period. 
Here  climatic  conditions  are  localized  by  proximity  to  greater 
altitudes,  for  while  about  the  Tahltan  river  there  is  scarcely 
any  rainfall  and  the  depth  of  snow  hardly  exceeds  eighteen 
inches,  beyond  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Cassiar  mountains,  the 
precipitation  greatly  increases.  The  extremes  of  temperature 
are  very  marked.  The  heat  of  summer,  often  reaching  almost 
100°  F.,  is  followed  by  excessive  cold  in  winter  when  the  mercury 
falls  to  —60°  F.  Spring  opens  in  May,  and  ice  commences  to 
run  in  the  streams  in  October.  The  rivers  flow  through  narrow 
canons  so  far  below  the  land  level  that  they  do  not  water  it  and 
with  scarcely  any  rainfall  the  soil  becomes  so  parched  that 
the  possibility  of  raising  the  commonest  garden  produce  be- 
comes a  question  of  irrigation.  The  tree  growth  is  small  and 
white  spruce  is  the  only  available  building  timber.  The  black 
pine,  spruce,  aspen,  white  birch,  alder,  and  willow  commonly 
abound,  while  thickets  of  rose,  service  berry,  and  cranberry 
frequently  occur.  Much  of  the  country  presents  the  appear- 
ance of  having  been  burnt  over,  and  when  open  and  not  timbered 
the  arid  soil  sustains  but  a  sparse  growth  of  grass  and  vines. 
This  is  a  country  of  big  game,  and  animal  life  is  most  abundant. 
Caribou  and  moose  abound.  The  former  has  always  consti- 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  11 

tuted  the  principal  food  supply  of  the  native,  as  well  as  his  chief 
dependence  for  clothing  and  household  and  hunting  implements. 
The  mountain  goat,  the  mountain  sheep  and  the  marmot  are 
found  on  the  higher  lands.  The  beaver,  fisher,  mink,  marten, 
and  ermine  are  found  about  the  rivers  and  lakes,  and  the  grizzly 
bear  and  black  bear,  the  wolf,  the  red  fox  with  its  varieties 
the  cross,  silver  and  black  fox,  the  wolverene,  lynx,  porcupine, 
rabbit,  several  species  of  tree  and  ground  squirrel,  rats  and 
mice  are  found  everywhere.  Of  birds,  grouse  and  ptarmigan 
are  the  most  important  from  an  economic  point  of  view.  This 
interior  region  is  the  home  of  the  Tahltan,  for  while  his  perma- 
nent habitations  may  be  few,  he  travels  and  hunts  over  the 
entire  area  and  looks  to  it  for  his  maintenance. 

Salmon  and  trout  are  abundant  in  the  rivers  during  summer 
and  early  fall,  while  whitefish  are  taken  in  considerable  numbers 
from  Dease  lake. 


HISTORY  AND  TRIBAL  DIVISIONS 

Historical  data  relating  to  the  Tahltan  are  meagre.  Prior  to 
the  Cassiar  gold  excitement  of  1 874,  when  the  country  was  invaded 
by  a  horde  of  prospectors,  the  difference  between  them  and  the 
many  other  nomads  of  the  great  interior  Northwest  had  not  been 
recognized.  As  early  as  1799  trading  vessels  visited  the  waters 
about  the  mouth  of  the  Stikine,  attracted  by  the  furs  from  the  in- 
terior. In  1834  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  keenly  alive  to  the 
wealth  of  this  section,  made  two  ineffectual  attempts  to  plant 
trading  posts  on  the  river  for  the  purpose  of  controlling  this  trade. 
In  that  year  John  M.  McLeod,  a  chief  trader  of  the  Company, 
following  up  the  Liard  river,  discovered  Dease  lake,  which  he 
named,  and  crossing  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Stikine,  reached 
the  mouth  of  the  Tuya.  In  1836  a  party  was  sent  out  from 
Fort  Halkett  to  establish  a  post  thereabouts,  but  returned  without 


12  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

accomplishing  any  results  through  fear  of  the  hostility  of  a 
reported  party  of  natives.  In  1838,  Robert  Campbell,  acting 
for  the  Company,  spent  the  winter  at  Dease  lake,  but  was  so 
harassed  by  the  coast  Tlingit,  who  claimed  the  sole  right  to 
trade  in  this  region,  that  the  project  was  abandoned  and  no 
further  attempt  was  made  to  reach  the  Tahltan  directly  until 
1867,  when  a  small  store  was  established  on  the  lower  river 
by  a  French  Canadian,  in  the  interest  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company. 

At  the  time  these  earlier  efforts  were  being  made  to  cross 
the  mountains  from  the  eastward,  the  Company  fitted  out  the 
ship  Driard  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  factory  and  a 
colony  on  the  lower  Stikine,  but  this  attempt  was  frustrated 
by  the  Russian  authorities  at  Sitka,  who  dispatched  two  armed 
vessels  and  hastily  constructed  a  rude  fort,  which  they  named 
Fort  Dionysius,  on  Etolin  Island,  where  Wrangel  now  stands. 
The  controversy  that  ensued  was  adjusted  in  1837  by  the  lease 
of  the  Alaska  littoral,  which  in  1840  was  turned  over  to  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  the  coast  Indians  continued  in 
control  of  the  interior  fur  trade.  In  1861,  "Buck"  Choquette, 
a  French  Canadian,  discovered  placer  gold  in  the  river  bottom 
below  Glenora,  which  brought  some  white  men  into  the  country, 
and  resulted  in  desultory  prospecting  until  1874,  when  the  Cassiar 
excitement  occurred,  since  which  time  the  natives  have  been 
in  constant  contact  with  the  whites,  greatly  to  their  disad- 
vantage, as  smallpox  was  introduced  from  the  coast  in  1864,  and 
again  in  1868. 

In  writing  the  term  Tahltan  I  have  conformed  to  the  semi- 
official and  generally  accepted  spelling,  although  Father  A.  G. 
Morice,  in  his  "Notes  on  the  Western  Dene,"  says  that  it  should 
be  "  Thalhthan,  a  contraction  of  Thasaelhthan,  from  tha  or  thu, 
water,  and  saelhthan,  a  verb  that  refers  to  some  heavy  object 
lying  thereon."1  I  found  widely  divergent  opinions  regarding 

1  A  similar  explanation  of  its  meaning  was  given  to  me  by  one  of  the  older  men  of  the 
tribe  in  relating  the  story  of  the  origin  of  his  family.  The  discoverers  of  the  land  were  two 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  13 

the  origin  and  derivation  of  the  tribal  name.  The  older  people 
generally  agree  that  it  is  from  some  foreign  tongue,  while  others 
ascribe  it  to  thalla-a,  'point,'  from  the  first  living  place  on  the 
rocky  tongue  of  land  between  Stikine  and  Tahltan  rivers;  and 
still  others  claim  that  it  originated  from  the  exhibition  or  giving 
away  of  a  piece  of  steel,  thai,  by  a  chief  at  a  great  feast  given  at 
this  point  in  early  days,  in  celebration  of  the  bringing  out  of 
his  daughter.  But  the  local  name  of  this  people  was  taken 
from  the  first  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tahltan  river. 
Tutcher  anne,  'where  the  fish  (salmon)  jump  up  the  little  water' 
(Tahltan  river),  or,  'when  the  fish  leave  the  water  for  the  land,' 
referring  to  the  stranding  of  the  salmon  as  they  work  their  way 
over  the  shallows  in  the  smaller  river.  This  term,  contracted 
to  Tchaane,  was,  I  believe,  used  only  among  themselves,  while 
Tahltan  was  a  later  designation  from  a  foreign  source  that  has 
become  fastened  upon  them  since  the  advent  of  Europeans. 
The  coast  Tlingit  included  them  in  the  general  designation 
Giv-na-na,  'stranger  people,'  just  as  the  Tahltan  call  them 
To-tee-heen,  'people  of  the  water.' 

The  eastern  divisions  of  the  Nahane  are  said  to  be  patriarchal 
in  government,  with  but  a  loosely  organized  social  system.  It  is 
probable  that  the  Tahltan  were  originally  the  same;  but  at  some 
later  period  they  borrowed  the  social  organization  of  their 
Tlingit  neighbors  of  the  coast,  which  is  founded  on  matriarchy 
and  is  dependent  on  the  existence  of  two  exogamous  phratries 
which  marry  one  with  the  other  and  which  supplement  each 
other  on  all  occasions  of  ceremony.  These  phratries  are  known  as 
Cheskea  da;  'one  family  raven,'  and  Cheona  da,  'one  family 
wolf,'  and  from  their  principal  totemic  emblems  may  be  thus  dis- 
tinguished as  Cheskea,  Raven,  and  Cheona,  Wolf.  Of  the  former 
there  is  but  one  family,  the  Kartch-ottee;  of  the  latter  there  are 

women  who  met  on  opposite  banks  of  Tahltan  river  near  its  junction  with  the  Stikine.  It  was 
the  summer  season  when  the  salmon  were  running  in  from  the  sea.  After  the  first  greeting,  one 
asked  the  other  what  it  was  that  she  saw  on  the  surface  of  the  water,  and  the  other  replied, 
"something  heavy  going  up  the  little  water,"  referring  to  the  fish  working  their  way  up  through 
the  rapids  of  the  smaller  stream. 


14  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

three  families,-  the  Tuck-clar-way-tee,  the  Tal-ar-ko-tin,  and  the 
Nan-yi-ee.  Besides  the  phratral  crest  which  is  the  birthright 
of  every  individual,  the  subdivisions  or  families  assume  other 
emblems,  which  may  be  displayed  to  the  exclusion  of  the  former. 
In  explanation  of  this  subdivision  among  the  Tlingit  I  believe 
that  originally  the  phratries  consisted  of  two  families  and  that 
with  the  increase  in  numbers,  parties  went  forth  to  seek  new 
homes  and  in  time  took  upon  themselves  the  functions  of  inde- 
pendent families  and  assumed  new  crests  while  always  retaining 
that  of  the  phratry.  Strange  people  coming  among  them  took 
their  places  as  separate  families  within  the  group. 

(i).  The  Tuckclarwaytee  claim  to  be  the  progenitors  of 
the  Tahltan  people,  and  this  is  generally  conceded  by  the  other 
families.  Their  early  home  is  placed  in  the  interior  country, 
about  the  head  waters  of  the  Nass,  and  after  the  flood — an 
epoch  in  the  history  of  all  the  coast  peoples — a  branch  of  those 
who  survived  migrated  northward  and  settled  in  the  lake  region 
where  the  Yukon  has  its  source. 

In  after  years  two  women,  one  from  the  sources  of  the  Nass 
and  the  other  from  Tagish  lake,  wandered  from  their  homes  and 
met  on  the  banks  of  Tahltan  river  at  its  mouth.  The  woman 
from  the  south  said  she  had  journeyed  over  a  great  sand  country 
and  that  she  was  worn  and  tired,  and  now  that  she  had  met  her 
sister  of  the  north  they  would  stop  here  and  make  their  home, 
and  that  they  would  call  themselves,  from  the  region  of  travels, 
Tuck-clar-way-tee, t  back-sand  family.'  But  the  accepted  meaning 
of  this  name  by  the  several  branches  of  this  people  that  have 
settled  among  the  Tlingit  of  the  coast  is  'the  company  from 
back  (the  interior),  and  in  numbers  like  the  grains  of  sand  on 
the  shore.'  The  Tagish  woman  walked  with  a  copper  staff, 
which  she  planted  in  the  ground  to  mark  their  living  place  on 
the  site  of  the  present  fishing  village  of  Tutcha  n  ne,  'fish  go 
up  little  stream,'  for  it  was  summer  when  the  salmon  were 
running  in  from  the  sea  for  spawning. 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN    INDIANS.  15 

That  these  women  found  husbands  in  the  land  is  a  fact,  but 
who  the  men  were,  and  of  what  people,  tradition  does  not  tell 
and  it  matters  not,  as  the  offspring  was  of  the  mother  and  per- 
petuated her  family  only. 

With  the  increase  of  population  internal  dissension  arose, 
or  the  question  of  food  became  a  problem,  when  separation  was 
brought  about  by  a  party  which  went  forth  to  seek  a  new  home. 
They  travelled  down  the  Stikine  until  they  reached  a  great 
glacier  that  spanned  the  river  valley  and  blocked  their  progress. 
Here  they  encamped,  and  during  a  council  that  ensued,  Koo- 
os-sick  and  Orn-os-tay,  two  very  old  women  of  high  caste, 
together  with  two  equally  old  men,  arose  and  said  that  their 
lives  were  of  the  past  and  that  they  were  of  little  use  either  to 
themselves  or  to  others,  and  as  it  was  a  question  of  turning 
back  or  of  following  the  flow  of  the  waters  under  the  ice  bridge, 
they  would  attempt  the  passage  and  if  successful  all  could  follow. 
After  being  dressed  as  for  an  important  ceremony,  and  sprinkled 
with  the  down  of  the  eagle,  the  four  embarked  in  a  small  canoe 
and  drifted  from  the  shore,  chanting  their  death  song  which 
was  taken  up  by  those  assembled  on  the  bank,  and  their  tiny 
craft  caught  in  the  swirl  of  the  swift  current  was  soon  lost  to  view. 
The  barrier  was  climbed,  and  as  the  canoe  with  its  occupants 
was  seen  to  shoot  out  from  under  the  wall  of  ice  a  mighty  shout 
was  carried  from  man  to  man  until  those  in  camp  knew  that  all 
was  well,  whereupon  the  canoes  were  quickly  loaded  and  passed 
through  in  safety,  and  they  continued  their  way  to  the  coast. 
It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  from  time  to  time  other  parties 
followed,  and,  on  reaching  salt  water,  pursued  different  routes; 
as  this  family  is  found  among  the  Tongass  people  of  Portland 
Canal,  the  Hootzahtarqwan  of  Admiralty  Island,  and  the  Chilkat 
at  the  head  of  Lynn  Canal,  the  traditions  of  all  of  whom  speak 
of  a  migration  from  the  Stikine  river. 

How  many  generations  or  centuries  ago  this  migration  oc- 
curred is  not  known,  and  can  be  approximated  only  by  the 
recession  of  the  glacier  that  crossed  the  valley  then  and  is 


16  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

now  so  far  separated  from  the  opposite  mountains.  But  to-day 
these  offshoots  are  Tlingit  in  every  respect,  although  among 
the  Chilkat  they  seem  to  intermarry  more  frequently  with 
the  interior  people  of  the  Yukon  basin  than  do  any  of  the 
other  families.  This  return  to  the  parent  stock  is  evident  in 
the  more  characteristic  Dene  features,  and  while  exceeding  in 
numbers  any  other  of  the  Chilkat  families,  they  are  held  in  low 
esteem,  much  as  are  all  of  the  interior  people  by  those  of  the 
coast.  They  are  of  Cheona,  the  Wolf  phratry,  and  they  hold 
this  emblem  in  highest  esteem,  although  they  claim  also  the 
brown  bear,  the  eagle,  and  the  killer  whale.  I  think  it  very 
probable  that  all  three  of  these  crests  have  been  borrowed  from 
the  Tlingit  branch  of  the  family.  It  is  certain  that  the  killer 
whale  must  have  been  unknown  to  the  early  life  of  these  interior 
people,  who  were  never  permitted  to  reach  salt  water,  and  it 
could  have  come  to  them  only  through  intercourse  with  the 
coast  tribes. 

To-day  the  Tuckclarwaytee  constitute  the  second  most 
numerous  family,  and  they  possibly  take  the  first  place  in  point 
of  wealth.  They  occupy  eight  houses  in  the  village  of  Tahltan. 

(2).  The  Kartchottee  were  the  second  people  to  reach 
the  Tahltan  country.  They  came  first  and  collectively  from  the 
interior,  and  later  and  individually  from  the  coast.  The  family 
traditions  tell  of  a  migration  from  the  headwaters  of  the  Taku, 
where  they  crossed  overland  from  Narlin  and  settled  on  Tahltan 
river  twelve  miles  above  its  mouth,  where  it  receives  a  small 
tributary.  They  named  this  village  Thlu-dlin,  'waters  meet.' 
Living  such  a  short  distance  away,  they  unquestionably  at  this 
period  came  in  contact  with  the  Tuckclarwaytee,  and  the 
union  of  these  two  branches  was  the  foundation  of  the  Tahltan 
people.  One  winter  when  a  number  of  the  men  of  the  village  were 
getting  firewood  on  the  mountain  side,  they  were  overwhelmed 
by  a  snowslide,  which  caused  such  consternation  that  the  re- 
maining inhabitants  gathered  their  belongings  and  trailed  over- 
land to  Six  Mile  creek,  reaching  the  Stikine  midway  between 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  17 

• 

the  present  Telegraph  and  Glenora,  where  they  built  rafts  and 
dugouts  and  followed  the  river  to  its  mouth.  Thence  they 
continued  westward  until  they  reached  the  southern  shore  of 
Admiralty  Island,  where  they  established  themselves  and  took 
their  name,  'Belonging  to  Kartch,'  from  a  fresh  water  stream 
that  enters  a  bay  at  that  point.  The  name  is  also  said  to  be 
derived  from  kartch,  'bark,'  from  their  primitive  bark  shelters. 
Later  they  crossed  Frederick  Sound  to  Kuprianof  Island  where 
they  affiliated  with  the  Kehkqwan,  among  whom  they  are  still 
found  in  considerable  numbers.  In  the  course  of  time,  through 
family  dissension,  a  party  retraced  their  steps  eastward  and  joined 
the  Stikine  people  about  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  of  this  body 
individuals  have  ascended  the  river  from  time  to  time  and 
returned  to  the  parent  stock.  A  story  told  me  by  an  old  Stikine 
man  says  that  in  early  days  this  family,  to  their  great  shame, 
were  in  the  habit  of  enslaving  the  poor  and  orphans  of  their  own 
blood,  and  that  a  chief  so  held  a  widow  in  bondage.  He  was 
then  drying  fish  at  Shek's  creek,  up  the  Stikine.  The  woman's 
duty  was  to  care  for  the  large  travelling  canoe,  to  keep  it  wet 
and  covered  with  bark  and  brush,  as  these  great  dugouts  quickly 
check  when  exposed  to  the  sun.  One  day  she  neglected  this,  and 
her  master  made  her  kneel  at  the  water's  edge,  fill  her  mouth 
with  water,  and  squirt  it  over  the  canoe  until  it  was  well  satur- 
ated. That  night  she  escaped  and  wandered  up  the  river  until 
she  reached  a  camp  of  the  Tahltan.  Here  she  married,  and  from 
the  union  came  this  later  division  of  the  family,  and  to-day  when 
the  Tlingit  Kartchottee  are  angry  with  their  brothers  of  the 
interior,  they  speak  of  them  as  the  descendents  of  a  slave. 

Another  version  of  the  tradition  of  the  return  of  the  Kartch- 
ottee from  the  coast  inland,  tells  of  a  chief  of  the  Nanyiee 
of  Wrangel,  who  had  married  a  Kartchottee  woman  and  with 
her  daughter  was  fishing  on  the  Stikine.  The  chief  of  the  Tuck- 
clarwaytee  of  the  Tahltan  stole  her  and  took  her  to  wife,  from 
which  marriage  the  other  Kartchottee  have  sprung. 

A  branch  of  this  family  living  on  the  Narlin,  a  southern 
2 


18  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.   UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

tributary  of  the  Taku  was  called  Narlotin;  and  in  the  early 
days  possibly  more  Taku  than  Tahltan  were  spoken  of  as  half 
Kartchottee,  and  they  recognized  the  same  totemic  emblems. 
They  have  no  existence  as  a  separate  family  at  Tahltan.  An- 
other division,  purely  local  in  character,  that  made  its  home 
on  a  great  flat  called  Klabba,  beyond  the  Tahltan  river,  took 
the  name  Klabbahnotin,  but  to-day  no  house  name  of  this  branch 
is  recognized. 

The  Kartchottee  belong  to  Cheskea,  the  Raven  phratry,  and 
recognize  the  raven  and  the  frog  as  their  emblems,  one  of  which 
seems  to  be  as  much  in  evidence  as  the  other,  but  I  believe  that 
the  fo'rmer  is  the  older  and  possibly  the  more  honored.  The  Kart- 
chottee form  the  most  numerous  and  influential  family  of  the 
Tahltan  tribe,  a  fact  readily  understood  when  it  is  remembered 
that  they  constitute  the  Raven  phratry,  while  the  other  three 
families  all  belong  to  the  Wolf  phratry  and  intermarriage  within 
the  tribe  can  take  place  only  between  themselves  and  members  of 
the  other  three  families.  They  occupy  eleven  houses  in  the  vil- 
lage. While  in  the  past  each  family  recognized  only  the  authority 
of  its  own  chief,  in  later  years,  with  the  decreased  population, 
through  mutual  consent  they  have  agreed  on  one  chief  to  rep- 
resent all,  and  the  selection  has  fallen  to  the  lot  of  the  hereditary 
head  of  this  family,  known  as  Nan-nook.  The  same  name  or 
title  was  given  by  the  Tlingit  of  Sitka  to  the  early  Russian  ruler 
Baranof.  It  is  said  to  be  of  Tlingit  origin,  meaning  chief. 

The  Talarkotin  are  of  interior  origin,  and  while  some  say 
that  they  came  from  the  Liard  river  country  by  way  of  the 
Dease,  other  accounts  give  them  a  still  more  easterly  home  in 
the  Peace  river  valley.  Their  journey  ended  at  the  mouth  of 
the  second  north  fork,  or  Tuya  river.  This  was  in  early  days, 
when  the  land  was  young,  and  they,  a  mere  handful  of  people, 
believed  themselves  alone.  One  day  a  Kartchottee  hunter  in 
following  a  game  trail  looked  down  from  the  high  river  bank  and 
saw  a  tiny  curl  of  smoke  rising  from  the  point  of  land  at  the  mouth 
of  the  canon.  Crawling  down  the  steep  slope,  he  concealed 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  19 

himself,  and  soon  saw  a  young  girl  come  out  of  a  brush  hut 
prepared  for  berrying.  He  followed  her  into  the  woods,  and, 
overtaking  her,  either  persuaded  her  to  accompany  him  or 
carried  her  off  to  his  village  as  his  wife;  and  this  third  family 
was  added  to  those  already  comprising  the  tribe.  The  name  is 
said  to  be  derived  from  Tahlar,  the  designation  of  a  precipitous 
rocky  point  between  the  two  waters,  where  they  first  settled, 
and  hence  they  are  known  as  'the  point  people.'  They  are 
called  also  Karkarkwan,  variously  translated  as  point  people, 
canon  people,  and  rabbit  people;  but  this  term  is  of  indefinite 
meaning  and  is  likely  of  Tlingit  origin.  They  are  of  the  Cheona, 
or  Wolf  phratry,  and  take  the  wolf  as  their  crest.  They  are  almost 
extinct,  occupying  but  two  houses  in  the  village.  Their  pro- 
nounced Dene  features  seem  to  mark  them  from  trie  other  families 
as  of  purer  stock,  less  influenced  by  mixture  with  the  coast  people. 
(3).  The  Nanyiee  constitute  the  latest  addition  to  the 
tribal  circle.  Their  coming  has  been  rather  a  gradual  drifting 
in  of  individuals,  through  intermarriage  and  trade  relations 
from  two  entirely  different  sources — the  Stikine  and  the  Taku. 
This  people  originated  in  the  interior,  and  travelling  westward, 
reached  the  sources  of  Taku  river  which  they  descended  to  the 
coast.  Their  separation  from  the  parent  stock  was  the  result 
of  a  family  quarrel  involving  the  young  wife  of  a  chief,  the 
offending  branch  being  forced  to  leave.  On  reaching  salt  water 
at  Stevens  Passage,  they  started  south  in  two  bands,  which 
became  separated,  and  later,  on  meeting,  each  inquired  of  the 
other  as  to  its  camping  place.  One  answered,  "Sick-nuh," 
while  the  other  replied  "Nan-yuh,"  whereupon  they  respect- 
ively took  the  names  of  Sick-nar-hut-tee,  'belonging  to  Sick-nuh,' 
and  Nan-yi-ee,  'the  people  of  Nan-yuh.'  On  the  other  hand 
it  is  claimed  that  the  latter  name  antedates  this  incident 
and  means  'those  from  up  the  River,'  and  this  meaning  is 
more  generally  accepted.  The  Nanyiee  continued  southward 
through  Frederick  Sound  and  the  Dry  Passage,  and  settled 
on  the  mainland  just  below  the  mouth  of  the  Stikine  river, 


20       ANTHROPOLOGICAL  PUB.  UNIV.  OF  PA.  MUSEUM,  VOL.  III. 

back  of  Etolin  Island,  by  a  waterfall,  from  which  they  named 
their  village  Chu-Khass-an,  'Waterfall  Town.'  They  married 
with  the  neighboring  peoples  and  became  Tlingit,  and  in  time 
reached  the  leading  position  in  the  Stikine  tribe.  In  their 
hunting  and  fishing  trips  they  ascended  the  Stikine  until  they 
reached  Glenora,  and  finding  an  abundance  of  salmon  and  a 
favorable  climate  for  the  curing  of  their  winter  supply  they  pre- 
empted the  streams  thereabouts.  The  name  of  the  hereditary 
chief,  Sheks,  was  given  to  this  camp,  to  which  they  returned 
annually.  Whether  or  not  the  Nanyiee  came  in  contact  with 
the  Tahltan  before  or  after  they  had  discovered  the  streams 
mentioned  is  not  known,  but  trade  relations  existed  between 
the  two  peoples  before  the  advent  of  the  whites,  although  it 
was  greatly  stimulated  by  the  increased  demand  for  furs  after 
European  trading  vessels  appeared  on  the  coast.  The  advantage 
of  controlling  the  valuable  fur  trade  of  the  interior  was  readily 
appreciated,  and  the  Tahltan  were  met  for  trade  above  Telegraph 
creek.  This  annual  coming  together  resulted  in  intermarriage, 
and  so  the  Nanyiee  became  established.  They  are  also  found 
among  the  Taku;  and  during  the  intervals  of  peace,  when  the  two 
tribes  met  in  friendly  intercourse,  individuals  went  from  one  to 
the  other  and  by  this  means  became  members  of  the  Tahltan 
people. 

The  Nanyiee  belong  to  the  Cheona,  or  Wolf  division,  and  I 
believe  this  was  their  original  crest,  but  those  of  the  Stikine 
people  assume  the  emblems  of  the  brown  bear,  the  shark,  and 
the  killer  whale,  which  are  accepted  by  the  interior  branch. 
They  occupy  four  houses  at  Tahltan  and  number  only  a  few 
families,  but  with  the  arrogance  of  their  Tlingit  blood  they  hold 
themselves  superior  to  their  neighbors. 

^  Reviewing  the  events  set  forth  in  these  family  narratives, 
which,  taken  together,  constitute  all  that  there  is  of  tribal 
history,  it  appears  that  at  some  early  period  a  general  westward 
movement  prevailed  among  the  interior  people.  It  was  not  a 
wave  of  migration,  as  of  a  vanquished  people  fleeing  before  an 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  21 

enemy,  but  rather  a  restless  wandering  of  bands  or  families 
seeking  new  homes.  The  routes  followed  were  naturally  along 
the  rivers  and  lakes  until  the  headwaters  of  the  Taku  and  the 
Stikine  were  reached.  Here  favorable  conditions  seem  to  have 
been  found  and  permanent  camps  were  made.  No  mention 
is  made  of  any  previous  dwellers  in  the  land,  which  seems  to 
have  been  a  wilderness,  for  of  a  certainty  such  small  bands 
could  not  have  prevailed  against  a  resident  population,  and  had 
they  done  so  their  songs  and  stories  would  be  frought  with  the 
hero  worship  of  these  early  days,  whereas  of  this  they  contain 
nothing.  With  natural  increase  and  the  accession  of  new  parties 
the  westward  movement  was  resumed  down  the  rivers  to  the 
coast.  Here  they  met  the  Tlingit,  a  more  aggressive  and  virile 
people,  among  whom,  through  intermarriage  and  environment, 
they  forgot  the  ways  of  the  trail  and  the  woods  and  became  sea 
hunters  and  fishermen.  Then  in  generations  following  when  the 
coast  and  the  interior  peoples  had  come  in  contact,  individuals 
drifted  back  to  the  homes  of  their  forefathers,  strangers  to 
the  mother  tongue  and  the  simple  life  of  the  Dene,  bringing 
with  them  the  superstitions  and  the  traditions  of  the  coast, 
together  with  the  social  organization  and  the  elaborate  cere- 
monials, that  have  for  their  end  the  glorification  of  family  in 
the  display  of  the  totemic  emblems.  Intercourse  through  trade 
relations  was  likewise  responsible  for  these  changes,  but  in  a 
lesser 'degree. 

THE  PORTLAND  CANAL  PEOPLE 

Portland  Canal  is  a  narrow,  deep  arm  of  the  sea,  reaching 
inland  almost  a  hundred  miles.  The  shores  are  rocky  and 
precipitous,  rising  to  an  average  height  of  three  thousand  feet 
and  exceeding  this  altitude  in  many  places.  Where  there  is 
sufficient  soil  to  sustain  life,  coniferous  trees  cover  the  mountains 
from  the  water's  edge  to  a  height  of  two  thousand  feet.  The 
melting  snows  supply  numerous  mountain  torrents  and  small 
streams,  and  in  summer  a  fair  run  of  salmon  seek  these  waters. 
During  most  of  the  year,  however,  it  is  a  wind-swept,  inhos- 
pitable shore,  offering  few  advantages  of  life. 


22  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

On  the  authority  of  James  W.  McKay,  the  former  inhabi- 
tants of  Portland  Canal  were  an  offshoot  of  the  Tahltan  who, 
toward  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  wandered  across  the 
Coast  range  and  thereabouts  reached  salt  water.  Now,  the 
people  referred  to  were  clearly  not  of  the  coast,  but  from  their 
roving  habits  and  their  language  were  of  interior  origin;  yet 
the  Tahltan  of  to-day  claim  relationship  with  them  only  through 
the  Kaska,  from  whom  they  say  they  are  descended,  and  they 
call  them  Tseco  to  tinneh.  The  writer  visited  this  people  in 
the  summer  of  1907,  when  the  following  information  respecting 
them  was  gathered. 

They  are  known  to  the  Nishka  as  Tsits  Zaons,  but  call 
themselves  Wetalth.  They  claim  that  they  originally  comprised 
three  totemic  families,  having  for  their  crests  the  raven,  the 
eagle,  and  the  wolf.  The  first  two  families  have  become 
practically  extinct,  and  of  the  other,  called  Nahta,  there  remain 
but  four  men,  two  old  women,  and  one  grown  girl.  Should  the 
last  not  have  issue,  with  the  death  of  these  the  tribe  will  cease 
to  exist. 

The  people  of  Portland  Canal  were  dominated  by  the 
Nishka  and  the  Tsimshian  of  the  coast,  and  were  harassed  by 
the  Tlingit  of  Cape  Fox.  By  these  tribes  they  were  confined 
to  the  inlet,  and  even  after  the  establishment  of  Fort  Simpson 
they  were  not  permitted  to  trade  with  Europeans.  The  Nishka 
claimed  the  trade  of  the  Wetalth,  meeting  them  at  stated 
seasons  and  taking  their  furs  in  trade  at  their  own  valuation 
and  giving  them  what  they  pleased  of  foreign  products  in  ex- 
change. In  this  way  they  were  kept  very  poor,  and  little 
better  than  slaves;  but  this  was  the  treatment  accorded  to  all 
the  interior  people  by  those  of  the  coast.  They  seem  to  have 
been  nomadic  within  their  restricted  range,  but  this  may  have 
been  an  inherited  tendency,  undoubtedly  increased  by  fear  of 
their  more  powerful  neighbors,  and  by  their  limited  food  supply. 
They  sought  the  shelter  of  caves,  many  of  which  are  found  along 
the  rocky  shores,  and  in  summer  gathered  about  the  salmon 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  23 

streams.  Their  principal  camping  ground  was  about  midway 
of  the  northern  shore  of  the  canal,  and  was  known  as  Kenean- 
okh.  They  claim  to  have  been  much  reduced  by  the  Tlingit 
of  Cape  Fox,  with  whom  they  were  at  constant  enmity. 

In  1885  the  pitiful  remnant  of  the  tribe,  twelve  men  with 
their  women  and  children,  weary  of  the  struggle  for  existence, 
presented  themselves  at  the  then  recently  established  Nishka 
mission  village  of  Kincolith,  where,  through  the  influence  and 
kind  offices  of  Archdeacon  W.  H.  Collison,  they  were  allowed  to 
settle  and  were  practically  received  into  the  Nishka  tribe;  but 
the  old  prejudice  against  them  as  an  inferior  people  has  never 
been  entirely  overcome. 

PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS 

The  Tahltan  cannot  be  said  to  represent  a  strictly  homo- 
geneous people.  The  infusion  of  Tlingit  blood  from  the  Stikine 
tribe  of  the  coast  is  responsible  for  a  type  that  is  readily  recog- 
nizable in  the  heavier  build,  the  abnormally  large  head,  and 
fuller,  grosser  features.  As  these  characteristics,  however, 
are  not  of  frequent  occurrence,  they  may  be  regarded  as  indi- 
vidual, and  they  seem  to  disappear  in  the  descendants  of  mixed 
unions  after  two  or  more  generations  of  return  to  the  parent 
stock.  The  dominant  type  is  Nahane.  In  stature  they  are 
below  the  average  height,  are  symmetrical  in  form,  and  well 
proportioned ;  they  are  never  fat,  seldom  stout,  sinewy  rather  than 
muscular,  with  well  developed  straight  limbs,  small  wrists  and 
ankles,  and  correspondingly  small  hands  and  feet.  The  head 
is  small  and  well  rounded,  and  the  face  inclined  to  length,  which 
is  rather  accentuated  by  the  high  cheek  bones  and  less  promi- 
nent though  pointed  chin.  The  forehead  is  moderately  broad, 
rather  low,  projecting  in  a  ridge  over  the  eyes  and  receding 
upward.  The  hair  is  black  and  coarse,  and  in  age  gray,  but 
never  white.  The  eyes  are  small,  black,  and  rather  deep  set. 
The  nose  is  straight,  or,  in  the  purest  type,  aquiline,  with  a  good 


24  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

bridge  and  expanded  nostrils.  The  mouth  is  full,  with  thin  lips 
and  perfect  teeth.  The  complexion  varies  with  mode  of  life:  with 
exposure  it  takes  on  a  dark  brown,  which  is  more  noticeable  in 
the  men.  The  women,  whose  occupations  are  more  indoors,  are 
almost  as  fair  as  the  European.  In  age  the  face  becomes  much 
wrinkled.  While  it  was  the  custom  formerly  to  remove  hair 
growing  on  the  face  with  pincers  of  metal  or  of  bone,  worn  sus- 
pended around  the  neck,  to-day  a  number  of  the  older  men  have 
mustaches  and  straggling  beards. 

The  senses  are  naturally  well  developed  among  a  people  whose 
hunter's  life  depends  on  their  acuteness.  The  sense  of  sight,  the 
most  important  of  the  senses  to  a  hunting  people,  is  among  the 
Tahltan  almost  abnormally  keen,  not  that  the  vision  itself  is  of  a 
higher  order  (indeed  I  think  our  eyes  are  stronger,  and  they  un- 
questionably last  longer,  than  those  of  the  natives),  for  with  the 
constant  strain  of  sun  and  snow,  and  the  effect  of  the  smoke  of 
the  open  fire,  few  reach  middle  age  without  some  local  affection 
of  the  eyes,  and  the  older  people  usually  suffer  from  some  form  of 
ophthalmia.  But,  to  express  the  matter  simply,  they  distin- 
guish every  object  within  the  field  of  vision.  Their  eyes  compre- 
hend more,  and  are  better  trained  and  quicker  to  detect  than  are 
those  of  the  white  man.  Hearing  is  developed  to  a  high  degree 
of  sensitiveness  owing  to  their  habit  of  following  the  trails  of 
animals.  Living  in  the  quiet  of  nature,  they  are  conscious  of  the 
slightest  sound.  The  sense  of  smell  of  the  Tahltan  is  possibly  no 
more  acute  than  our  own,  but  as  they  depend  on  it  to  tell  them 
many  of  the  secrets  of  the  woods,  they  cultivate  it  to  a  higher 
degree.  Their  power  of  endurance  is  great,  and  their  vitality  is 
surprising  even  in  these  latter  days  of  their  decline,  when  their 
constitutions  have  been  weakened  through  disease  and  liquor. 
They  are  a  fairly  prolific  race,  and  under  reasonable  sanitary 
conditions  should  survive.  Two  women  were  pointed  out  to  me 
each  of  whom  had  borne  ten  or  twelve  children,  and  families  of 
three  to  five  children  are  commonly  met  with.  Their  principal 
ailment  at  the  present  time  is  pulmonary  trouble,  induced  by  the 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  25 

changed  condition  of  life  within  houses,  and  less  nourishing 
food,  aggravated  by  an  undermining  of  the  system  through 
syphilis  derived  from  the  whites.  After  spending  the  winter 
in  the  field,  living  in  rude  shelters,  they  return  to  the  village  and 
shut  themselves  in  their  log  houses,  heated  beyond  the  point 
of  endurance  and  without  ventilation.  From  the  activities  of 
the  hunt  and  the  strong  diet  of  meat,  they  completely  relax  and 
gorge  themselves  with  bread,  sweets,  and  canned  goods,  which 
results  in  colds  and  indigestions  that  lay  the  foundation  for 
organic  diseases. 


MORAL  AND  MENTAL  CHARACTERISTICS 

Honesty  is  so  characteristic  of  the  nature  of  the  Tahltan  that 
they  do  not  look  upon  it  as  a  virtue.  They  hold  the  cache  invio- 
late, and  when  employed  as  hunters  or  packers  by  white  men,  they 
hold  themselves  responsible  for  the  safe  carriage  and  preser- 
vation of  everything  entrusted  to  their  care.  In  disposition 
they  are  mild  and  peaceful,  but  when  aroused  by  jealousy  or 
offended  pride  they  become  taciturn  and  sullen.  That  they  have 
been  dominated  to  a  certain  degree  by  the  more  arrogant  coast 
people  seems  natural  when  it  is  remembered  that  they  were  few  in 
numbers  and  that  they  were  wholly  dependent  on  the  tribes 
of  the  coast  for  arms  and  ammunition.  Constant  feuds  with 
the  Nishka  and  the  Taku  bespeak  their  courage,  and  in  the 
hunting  field  their  fearlessness  has  often  been  proven.  Their 
ignorance  of  natural  phenomena  rendered  them  superstitious 
and  engendered  a  childlike  fear  of  the  unknown.  Affection  for 
their  children  is  very  marked,  and  the  older  people  are  cared 
for  when  unable  to  provide  for  themselves.  The  peculiar  to- 
temic  relations  that  divide  the  family  so  sharply  and  separate  the 
children  when  grown  from  the  father  are  unnatural  and  cultivate 
an  apparent  indifference  that  is  difficult  to  reconcile  with  parental 
affection,  but  this  in  a  sense  is  compensated  by  their  total 
renunciation  of  self  whenever  the  weal  of  the  totemic  family 


26  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

is  concerned.  They  are  hospitable,  and,  while  individually 
generous  and  grateful,  their  ethics  require  a  return  for  every 
favor,  even  to  assisting  one  another  in  time  of  need,  and  a  present 
given  requires  a  return  of  even  greater  value  in  order  to  preserve 
one's  standing  with  the  donor.  The  accusation  that  native 
people  are  always  grasping  and  lacking  in  gratitude  probably 
arises  from  our  ignorance  of  their  laws  and  customs,  together 
with  a  misconception  on  their  part  of  our  business  methods  and 
means  of  existence,  and  their  failure  to  understand  why,  from 
our  apparent  plenty,  we  should  not  give  freely,  believing  that 
the  white  man's  store  is  inexhaustible.  Once  in  selling  me 
a  piece  of  native  work  an  old  woman  asked  me  several  times  its 
value,  and  when  I  demurred,  another  woman  said,  "why  do 
you  not  give  her  what  she  wants?  You  can  get  all  the  money 
you  wish."  When  asked,  "how  do  you  suppose  I  get  money?" 
she  replied,  "you  write  on  paper  and  the  money  comes !"  Hence 
the  feeling  of  the  more  primitive  people  when  they  see  the  white 
man  performing  little  manual  labor,  living  in  apparent  luxury 
and  possessing  what  appears  to  them  unlimited  means.  An 
incident  of  small  moment  but  illustrative  of  a  generous  impulse 
occurred  when  I  was  staying  at  Tahltan.  It  was  in  early 
summer,  and  the  people  were  assembled  at  the  fishing  camps, 
only  a  few  older  people  remaining  in  the  village.  The  spring 
salmon  were  late  in  arriving  but  when  the  first  one  was  speared 
it  was  brought  to  the  village  and  was  divided  among  the  few 
older  people.  Native  dignity  marks  their  intercourse  with 
one  another,  and  with  strangers  an  evident  reserve.  They  are, 
however,  sociably  inclined,  conversational  after  acquaintance, 
and,  if  kindly  treated,  very  friendly.  Few  white  men  who 
hunt  with  them  leave  them  without  the  kindest  feelings  and 
a  full  appreciation  of  their  many  excellent  traits  of  character. 
Mentally  they  may  be  classed  as  fair;  their  rather  isolated 
hunter's  life  during  the  greater  portion  of  the  year  is  not  cal- 
culated to  stimulate  the  faculties.  Their  occupation  in  the 
pursuit  of  game  makes  them  quick  to  see  and  to  act,  and  they 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  27 

are  sufficiently  ingenious  in  contriving  hunting  and  trapping 
appliances  to  insure  the  necessities  of  life.  They  are  particu- 
larly receptive  and  adaptable,  and  they  have  so  changed  in  the 
last  thirty  years  that  the  present  generation  is  not  only  igno- 
rant of  the  life  of  the  past  but  seems  rather  to  scorn  the  old 
customs  in  its  desire  to  be  considered  as  the  white  man.  They 
have  little  artistic  sense  or  it  is  but  slightly  developed  as  is 
evident  in  their  houses  and  belongings.  Their  implements  are 
generally  devoid  of  any  attempt  at  ornamentation,  and  show  no 
elegance  of  form.  Rude  etchings  on  bone  in  geometric  lines 
filled  in  with  red  ochre  characterize  their  highest  idea  of  decor- 
ative art,  except  the  beadwork  of  the  women,  which  is  attractive 
both  in  design  and  in  the  selection  and  placing  of  colors,  and  the 
pipes  of  the  men,  which  are  carved  in  animal  figures  and  elab- 
orately inlaid  with  haliotis  shell,  showing  that  there  is  at  least 
some  appreciation  of  the  beautiful  dormant  in  their  nature. 


GOVERNMENT  AND  SLAVERY. 

While  the  recognized  social  organization  of  the  Nahane 
was  originally  patriarchal  in  form,  and  remains  so  among  the 
more  primitive  eastern  branches,  the  Tahltan  through  intermar- 
riage and  association  with  the  coast  Tlingit,  have  adopted  the 
matriarchal  system  whereby  succession  and  inheritance  follow 
directly  in  the  line  of  the  mother  and  remain  always  in  the 
totemic  family.  Hence  it  would  seem  that  substitution  could 
never  take  place.  The  brother,  the  maternal  nephew  and  cousin 
are  successively  eligible;  but  within  these  limits  the  chief  is 
elected  by  the  entire  family,  and  the  next  in  line  may  be  passed 
over  for  one  more  eligible,  though  farther  removed.  Wealth 
and  personal  character  are  the  principal  factors.  Women 
can  not  succeed  to  chieftainship.  The  custom  both  in  the 
household  and  in  the  family  is  that  the  nephew  on  the  sister's 
side  should  succeed  the  uncle  and  take  the  widow,  his  aunt,  to 
wife,  which  gives  her  a  home  and  provides  for  her  personal  needs, 


28  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

for  being  of  the  opposite  branch  she  can  inherit  nothing  from 
her  husband.  To  this  end  the  nephew  is  given  to  the  uncle 
in  boyhood  to  be  brought  up  by  him.  For  the  same  reason 
children  can  receive  nothing  from  the  estate  of  the  father. 
Hunting  rights  are  the  most  important  inheritance.  The 
whole  country  is  divided  among  the  families,  and  subdivided 
among  households  and  individuals;  and  while  in  travelling 
through  another's  territory  one  might  kill  an  animal  for  food, 
the  pelt  would  be  given  to  the  landowner.  Boys  have  the  priv- 
ilege of  the  father's  hunting  ground  while  they  are  recognized 
members  of  his  household,  that  is,  before  reaching  manhood; 
but  after  that  period  they  exercise  the  rights  of  their  mother's 
family.  After  marriage  a  man  is  permitted  to  hunt  in  the 
country  of  his  wife's  direct  family  as  well  as  in  his  own  country, 
and  on  this  account  plural  wives  are  taken  for  the  advantages 
they  may  bring. 

The  chieftainship  even  of  old  was  more  a  position  of  honor 
than  of  power.  In  time  of  peace  a  chief  represented  the  family, 
within  which  he  arbitrated  all  disputes,  and  took  precedence  on 
all  occasions  of  ceremony.  He  was  accorded  the  place  of  honor 
at  feasts,  and  received  proportionately  the  greater  number  of 
presents.  Generally  of  larger  means  than  his  fellows,  his  fol- 
lowing was  thereby  increased,  and  he  was  the  recipient  of  service 
and  presents  from  his  household,  but  he  hunted  and  worked  as 
did  others.  His  obligations  to  the  poorer  and  dependent  mem- 
bers of  the  family  were  recognized.  In  case  of  war  his  counsel 
was  sought  and,  age  permitting,  he  was  the  logical  leader. 
Each  family  was  a  distinct  organization,  controlling  its  internal 
affairs,  recognizing  only  the  authority  of  its  own  chief,  and 
meeting  the  other  families  on  common  ground. 

Councils,  either  tribal  or  family,  were  attended  by  the  chiefs 
and  the  older  men,  although  the  family  councils  were  more 
general  in  their  character  and  attendance.  Few  happenings 
were  regarded  as  personal  where  they  occurred  between  members 
of  different  clan  divisions,  as  the  social  organization  was  such 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN    INDIANS.  29 

that  the  act  of  the  individual  involved  the  whole  family.  In 
the  discussion  of  such  disputes  after  the  family  had  met  and 
considered  a  line  of  action,  the  chief  of  the  aggrieved  party 
would  go  outside  and  announce  his  position  in  a  loud  voice,  as 
if  speaking  to  the  air,  addressing  no  one  in  particular,  and  when 
he  had  concluded  he  would  enter  the  lodge  again  and  remain 
silent.  Then  the  chief  of  the  other  family  would  act  in  the 
same  manner,  stating  his  side  of  the  contention.  In  this  manner 
the  case  was  argued  to  a  settlement. 

With  the  decrease  in  numbers  after  their  removal  to  their 
present  village,  the  Tahltan  met  as  a  community  and  elected 
one  chief  to  represent  all.  He  is  the  hereditary  chief  of  the  most 
numerous  family — the  Kartchottee — and  is  addressed  as  Nan- 
nook.  His  office  is  recognized  by  the  Department  of  Indian 
Affairs  and  on  his  decease  his  successor  will  be  appointed  by 
that  department. 

There  are  two  recognized  classes  among  the  Tahltan, 
the  aristocracy  and  the  common  people;  but  the  line  of  de- 
marcation is  not  very  distinct,  and  while  the  accumulation  of 
wealth,  the  giving  of  an  elaborate  feast,  and  the  distribution 
of  much  property  may  elevate  the  one,  continued  poverty  through 
several  generations  will  not  wholly  reduce  the  other.  There  is 
no  warrior  class,  nor  do  any  secret  societies  exist.  The  shamans 
are  wholly  individual:  they  neither  come  from  nor  form  any 
particular  class. 

Slavery  existed  in  the  past.  Captives  taken  in  war  with 
the  Nishka  and  the  Taku  were  held  in  bondage,  but  could  be 
redeemed  at  any  time.  Tlingit  and  Kaska  were  never  enslaved, 
probably  by  reason  of  the  mutually  advantageous  trade  relations 
existing,  and  the  more  or  less  frequent  intermarriage.  Slaves 
were  purchased  from  the  Tlingit,  who  procured  them  from  the 
Haida;  they  were  generally  Salish,  Kwakiutl,  or  Vancouver 
Island  natives  taken  by  those  island  pirates  in  their  forays 
along  the  coast.  The  value  of  a  male  slave  was  one  hundred 
beaver  skins;  of  a  female,  fifty  beaver  skins.  Slaves  could  marry 


30  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

among  themselves,  but  the  children  were  slaves.  If  the  head 
of  a  household  should  die  or  if  a  child  should  be  seriously  hurt, 
a  slave  might  be  freed  in  honor  of  the  dead  or  in  propitiation 
for  the  weak.  On  the  death  of  a  chief,  one  or  more  of  these 
unfortunates  might  be  killed  in  order  that  their  spirits  might 
attend  the  spirit  of  the  departed  in  the  future  life.  This  was 
accomplished  by  laying  the  victim  on  the  ground  with  his  neck 
resting  on  a  log;  a  small  tree  trunk  was  then  placed  over  his  neck, 
which  was  broken  by  several  men  jumping  on  the  log.  The 
body  was  usually  thrown  in  the  river,  but  if  the  slave  should 
have  been  an  especial  favorite,  his  remains  were  cremated. 
Slaves  worked  and  hunted  for  their  masters.  As  an  institution 
I  believe  that  slavery  was  borrowed  from  the  Tlingit,  but  the 
Tahltan  did  not  own  many  slaves.  Their  continual  hunting 
in  small  bands,  their  poverty,  and  their  mild  disposition  all 
militated  against  extensive  slavery. 


VILLAGES 

From  a  purely  nomadic  people  the  Tahltan  might  in  theory 
now  be  termed  settled,  inasmuch  as  they  have  built  a  permanent 
village  of  substantial  log  houses  after  the  manner  of  the  whites. 
But  it  must  not  be  inferred  that  they  are  to  be  found  resident 
there  during  any  extended  period  of  the  year;  indeed  their 
comfortable  houses  seem  to  be  but  an  expression  of  their  desire 
to  be  considered  civilized,  while  at  heart  they  are  wanderers  as 
were  their  forefathers. 

Of  necessity  their  hunter's  life  keeps  them  in  camp  from 
September  until  April;  then  with  the  first  warm  days  of  spring 
they  become  restless  and  go  forth  from  the  confinement  of 
the  house  to  the  freedom  of  tent  life,  and  in  June,  when  the 
first  salmon  run  in  from  the  sea,  they  seek  the  fishing  villages 
where  they  remain  throughout  the  summer.  So  in  truth  their 
houses  are  little  more  than  storage  depots,  marks  of  social 
standing,  and  meeting  places  for  feasts  and  ceremonies.  Shortly 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  31 

after  the  Cassiar  gold  excitement  in  1874,  the  Tahltan  built 
a  modern  village,  on  a  slightly  elevated  plateau,  a  mile  and  a 
half  to  the  northward  and  westward  of  the  mouth  of  the  Tahltan 
river.  The  older  settlements  were  deserted,  and  the  entire 


TuCK-CUAR- WAV-TC.C. 

~  .  Moose. 


I I1 


T<JCK-CLAR.-\X#W- 


,_ 

„„. 

ToCK-CLAO-WAV-Ttt 
TUCK-  CLAB-WAY-Ttt 

n(  WOLF  HOUSE 
l"Ciouu.n  MIT." 

TuCK-CVAtt-WAY-Ttt. 

n 

_..  .  1 

KARTCH  -oTTtt 
Cmtrbl         1  fQAnoLina  nouac. 
M0uat|  |  «*.«*»  M.T" 

MAM-VI-tt 

1  f  LAOCiE.  MOUSE,  . 
1  ll"MlT   Kl-'n" 

n 

TUCK-CLAR-WAY-TLt.  . 

_.„,.. 

KARTCrt  -OTTtt     . 

KAB.TCH-  oTTtt  . 

D 

"An" 
TT 

I          f  ("RAVEM  MOUSE-  . 

-a"' 

« 

KAQTCH-OTTEt,  . 
AUTCH-  OTTtt    .                                                                     1  1 

KARTCM-OTTE.E-      KAPTCH-OTTCC- 

CM  - 

D 


FIG.  i.—  Plan  of  Tahltan  village. 


tribe,  now  much  reduced  in  numbers,  assembled  there.  To-day 
this  is  their  only  living  place,  although  many  of  the  younger 
men  and  those  who  are  employed  by  the  trading  companies  at 
Telegraph  creek  are  building  small  log  houses  there,  while  they 
still  retain  an  interest  in  the  tribal  village. 


32  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

The  earlier  villages,  some  of  which  are  still  remembered  by 
the  older  people  while  others  are  known  only  by  name,  centered 
about  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Stikine  and  its  two  northern  tribu- 
taries, the  Tahltan  and  the  Tuya,  and  beyond  on  the  Shesley 
and  the  Narlin,  southern  branches  of  the  Taku;  but  these  last 
named  waters  in  early  days  were  properly  within  the  territory 
of  the  Taku  people.  The  lower  valley  of  the  Stikine,  while 
hunted  over,  was  never  inhabited.  The  village  sites  were 
selected  wholly  on  account  of  their  proximity  to  favorable 
fishing  sites,  as  the  swift  streams  rushing  through  narrow  canons 
offered  few  points  where  fishing  could  be  carried  on  advanta- 
geously. To-day  little  remains  to  mark  these  places  save  a 
decayed  grave  post  or  a  more  luxuriant  growth  of  berry  bushes 
and  grass. 

Possibly  the  first  settlement  was  Teetch  ar-an-ee,  'fish  go 
up  little  water,'  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Tahltan  near  its 
mouth,  where  the  present  fishing  village  stands.  On  the  bluff 
above,  some  old  grave  posts  are  still  visible.  Several  miles 
beyond  on  the  rock  ridge  that  separates  the  two  rivers,  was 
what  is  believed  to  have  been  the  most  important  village, 
Tsa-qu-dartsee,  'rocks  move,'  so-called  from  the  friable  char- 
acter of  the  cliff,  the  face  of  which  was  constantly  crumbling 
and  falling  off.  In  the  constantly  recurring  wars  with  the 
Nishka  of  the  upper  Nass  this  village  was  destroyed. 

Another  very  old  settlement  was  situated  a  few  miles  above 
the  last,  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Stikine  at  the  mouth  of  a 
small  stream;  but  this  is  only  a  memory. 

Thlu-dlin,  'waters  meet,'  was  the  first  living  place  of  the 
Kartchottee  family.  It  was  on  the  Tahltan  river,  some  twelve 
miles  above  its  mouth,  and  was  deserted,  as  related  in  the  family 
traditions,  after  many  of  its  men  had  been  overwhelmed  by  a 
snowslide. 

The  Tahlarkotin  first  settled  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tuya, 
but  all  knowledge  of  any  settlement  there  is  lost  to  the  present 
generation. 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


33 


There  were  several  villages  at  different  periods  up  the  Tahl- 
tan.  The  earliest  belonged  to  the  Tuckclarwaytee  family, 
but  sickness  came  to  the  inhabitants  about  six  generations 
ago,  when,  with  the  death  of  the  men,  the  remaining  women 
married  Kartchottee,  hence  to-day  this  latter  people  have 
become  the  possessors  of  these  fishing  grounds. 


FIG.  2. — Skin-dressing  frame. 

At  Nine  Mile  flat,  on  the  Stikine  river,  the  Tahltan  as- 
sembled in  summer  to  fish,  and  here  they  met  the  Stikine  Tlingit 
to  trade.  A  peculiar  separation  of  the  rock  from  the  shore 
forms  a  shallow  channel  through  which  the  salmon  came  up 
stream  and  were  easily  taken,  whence  the  name  Tra-tuck-ka, 
'rock  crack,'  was  given  to  the  camp.  This  was  also  destroyed 
by  the  Nishka. 

Across  the  Stikine,  on  the  southern  bank,  was  another 
fishing  village,  where  the  use  of  the  long  weir  was  permitted. 
This  was  called  Gi-kah-ne-gah,  from  ge-de  the  name  of  the  fish 
basket. 

At  Ten  Mile  creek,  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Stikine, 
was  a  later  meeting  place  for  trade  with  the  Tlingit. 

3 


34  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

The  villages  on  the  Narlin  and  the  Shesley  were  more 
Taku  than  otherwise  in  early  days,  but  in  1840  the  Taku 
Tlingit  of  the  coast  came  up  the  river  and  destroyed  Kahgitzah 
near  the  head  of  the  Shesley,  when  the  remaining  inhabitants 
crossed  the  stream  and  joined  the  Tahltan. 

Smallpox  was  introduced  from  the  coast  to  the  interior 
people  several  times  during  the  last  century,  and  the  Cassiar 
mining  rush  that  swept  the  country  in  1874  proved  most  dis- 
astrous, reducing  the  population  to  such  an  extent  that  to  pre- 
serve their  identity  they  found  it  necessary  to  unite  in  a  single 
community.  This  is  their  present  village,  commonly  called 
Tahltan,  but  by  themselves  known  as  Goon-tdar-shage,  'where 


FIG.  3.— Grave  house. 

the  spring  water  stops,'  or,  'at  the  mouth  of  the  spring,'  on 
account  of  a  small  spring,  at  the  upper  end  of  the  village,  that 
bubbles  out  of  the  ground,  flows  a  few  rods,  and  is  lost.  It  is 
this  spring  that  affords  the  villagers  their  supply  of  drinking 
water.  The  ground  plan  of  the  village  is  a  parallelogram,  the 
houses  surrounding  an  open  space  where  public  meetings  and  cere- 
monies are  held;  but  this  has  been  slightly  interfered  with  toward 
the  upper  end,  where  the  ground  rises  more  abruptly,  causing 
the  houses  to  straggle  somewhat  (Fig.  i).  The  dwellings  are 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


35 


of  spruce  logs,  neatly  laid,  dovetailed  or  notched  at  the  corners, 
the  joints  between  chinked  and  plastered  with  mud.  The 
roof  consists  of  a  frame  of  fore-and-aft  beams  resting  on  the 
gable  ends,  and  a  ridge  pole,  which  support  saplings  following 
the  pitch  and  placed  close  together,  over  which  are  laid  slabs  of 
spruce  bark  covered  with  two  or  three  inches  of  mud.  The 
poorer  houses  have  only  a  hard  earth  floor,  but  in  the  better 
structures  hewn  planks  are  laid  a  foot  or  two  above  the  ground 
with  small  cellars  for  the  preservation  of  food  during  the  winter. 
Originally  there  was  a  central  fireplace,  and  a  corresponding 
smoke  hole  in  the  roof, 
but  to-day  large  cooking 
stoves  are  in  universal 
use.  A  central  doorway 
and  a  window  or  two  in 
the  front  or  the  sides 
complete  the  house.  The 
interior  is  without  parti- 
tions; the  sleeping  places 
of  the  several  families  in 
the  larger  houses  are  sepa- 
rated from  each  other  by 
boxes  or  trunks  contain- 
ing their  personal  effects.  FlG.  4._Grave  house. 
While  of  late  years  tables, 

chairs,  and  even  bedsteads  have  been  introduced  by  the  more 
progressive  element,  yet  the  simple  furnishings  of  more  primitive 
times  are  found  among  the  older  people.  These  consist  of  skins 
and  furs  for  bedding  and  covering,  boxes  and  chests  procured  in 
trade  from  the  coast  people  for  the  storage  of  blankets  and 
clothing,  and  rugs  of  many  small  pieces  of  skin  of  the  leg  of 
the  caribou  and  the  moose,  sewn  together.  About  the  walls 
hang  snowshoes,  clothing,  guns  and  other  articles  of  the  chase. 
In  the  rear  of  each  house  is  a  small  storehouse  of  logs  for  various 
objects  not  in  immediate  use,  as  furs,  traps  and  the  like.  Per- 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 


manent  dressing  frames  (Fig.  2)  for  caribou  and  moose  skins  are 
set  up  in  convenient  places  back  of  the  dwellings,  also  light  frames 
for  smoking  the  dressed  skins.  Winter  kennels  for  the  dogs 
consist  of  low  log  structures  approximating  eight  feet  square, 
earthed  over  and  having  the  appearance  of  caves  with  only  the 
front  logs  showing  (PL  VI,  C).  The  grave  houses  (Figs.  3,  4,  5), 
in  the  character  of  family  vaults  in  which  are  deposited  the  chests 
or  trunks  containing  the  charred  bones  of  those  cremated,  consist 
of  small  box-like  structures  with  one  or  more  windows,  and  in 
several  instances  ornamented  with  painted  or  carved  fronts  repre- 
senting the  totemic  emblems  of  the  family.  These  grave  houses 
at  Tahltan  are  on  the  hillside  in  rear  of  the  houses,  but  at  Tele- 
graph creek  they  rest  on 
the  high  bank  of  the 
canon.  The  latter  type 
is  clearly  Tlingit,  both  in 
architecture  and  in  orna- 
mentation. Older  and 
more  characteristic  graves 
are  to  be  seen  on  the 
bluffs  overlooking  Tahl- 
tan river ;  these  are 
marked  by  rude  mortu- 
ary columns,  and  cribs  of 
logs  on  top  of  which  are 
placed  the  chests  contain- 
FIG.  5.— Grave  houses.  mg  tne  cremated  remains. 

In     summer     temporary 

brush  shelters  are  erected  in  the  rear  of  the  houses  by  those 
who  remain  in  the  village;  here  the  fish  are  cured,  the  cooking 
is  done,,  and  the  daily  work  is  carried  on,  for  instead  of  being 
a  necessity,  the  house  is  still  a  luxury,  and  heredity  asserts  itself 
in  the  love  of  the  open,  which  has  been  the  Dene  mode  of 
living  through  all  time. 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  37 

HABITATIONS 

The  primitive  habitations  of  the  Tahltan  (PL  VI,  D)  were 
lean-to  shelters  and  oblong  tent-like  structures,  framed  of  poles  and 
covered  with  slabs  of  spruce  bark  and  willow  branches  weighted 
down  with  a  few  heavier  poles.  Generally  two  lean-tos  stood 
a  few  feet  apart,  opening  toward  each  other.  The  passageway 
between  remained  open  in  summer,  but  in  winter  it  was  closed 
with  brush  at  one  end,  while  the  other  served  as  the  entrance. 
The  fire  was  built  in  the  middle  under  the  opening;  the  ground 
within  was  strewn  with  pine  branches.  The  pack  bags,  bundles 
of  food,  furs,  and  personal  effects  were  piled  around  the  interior, 
forming  protective  walls.  Caribou,  moose,  and  sheep  skins  in 
the  hair,  simply  scraped  clean  on  the  under  side,  served  as  beds; 
and  robes  of  marmot,  lynx,  fox,  and  squirrel  were  used  as 
blankets.  Snowshoes,  snares,  and  implements  of  the  chase  were 
suspended  from  the  pole  supports  out  of  reach  of  the  dogs.  Lean- 
tos  such  as  hose  described  are  in  general  use  to-day  in  the  field, 
except  that  cotton  drilling  (PL  VI,  B)  has  superseded  he  primi- 
tive roofing  of  bark  and  boughs. 

The  earliest  type  of  house,  according  to  the  testimony 
of  the  older  people,  was  similar  to  that  still  found  in  the  fishing 
villages.  This  is  in  the  form  of  a  parallelogram,  the  framework 
consisting  of  four  corner  posts  with  two  central  higher  ones 
between  at  either  end.  The  posts  are  rudely  hewn  tree  trunks, 
about  a  foot  in  diameter,  grooved  at  the  top  to  receive  the  rounded 
beams  that  extend  lengthwise  and  support  the  roof.  The  walls 
are  of  saplings,  from  three  inches  to  five  inches  in  diameter, 
driven  into  the  ground  and  fastened  along  the  top  to  a  pole  by 
a  twining  of  willow  bark  and  twigs,  and  secured  also  at  intervals 
to  the  roof  beam  resting  on  the  corner  posts.  The  roof  frame 
rests  on  the  ridgepole  and  the  two  side  beams,  and  is  crossed 
at  every  foot  or  two  by  poles  placed  lengthwise  and  lashed  to 
them  with  withes  of  willow  bark;  and  over  all  are  laid  spruce 
bark  and  brush  which  is  held  in  place  with  small  tree  trunks. 


38  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

The  doorway  consists  of  a  narrow  opening  at  one  end  of  the 
structure,  and  a  movable  gate  keeps  the  dogs  out.  The  earthen 
floor  is  sometimes  covered  with  hewn  planks,  but  more  generally 
it  is  strewn  with  pine  branches,  on  which  the  skin  bedding  is 
laid.  There  is  a  central  fireplace  with  a  hearth  of  gravel,  and 
a  smoke  hole  in  the  roof.  As  such  structures  are  very  open 
a  lean-to  is  often  set  up  within  on  either  side  of  the  fire.  These 
houses  serve  the  double  purpose  of  shelter  and  smokehouse. 
Additional  interior  posts  support  beams  across  which  rods  are 
laid  as  a  rack  for  split  fish;  while  from  the  roof  are  hung  other 
poles  and  cross-pieces  in  several  tiers  which  the  fish  successively 
occupy  in  the  process  of  curing,  those  freshly  caught  being  placed 
over  the  fire,  while  those  the  most  cured  form  the  highest  tier 
directly  under  the  roof. 

Caches  for  storing  food  (PL  VII,  A)  for  winter  use  and  for  con- 
taining household  belongings  have  always  been  a  necessity  for  pro- 
tection against  the  ravages  of  wild  animals  and  the  dogs.  These 
are  substantial  log  cribs  built  on  posts  well  above  the  ground,  and 
are  entered  by  means  of  notched  tree  trunks  which  are  removed 
when  not  in  use.  On  old  village  sites,  and  sometimes  at  a 
distance  away  in  the  woods,  one  may  still  see  square  excavations 
that  resemble  cellars.  These  were  the  salmon  caches,  in  which 
the  fish  were  stored  in  the  late  fall  for  winter  and  early  spring, 
for  both  people  and  dogs.  They  were  covered  with  logs, 
boughs,  and  earth,  so  that  if  the  village  should  be  sacked  by  an 
enemy  there  would  still  remain  this  hidden  source  of  supply.  In 
the  present  village  of  Tahltan,  in  the  rear  of  each  house,  is  a 
smaller  substantial  log  building  containing  odds  and  ends  and 
all  material  not  in  immediate  use. 

The  sweat  bath  (PL  VI,  A)  is  a  common  necessity.  The 
sweat  house  is  a  temporary  affair,  erected  at  a  few  moments' 
notice,  consisting  of  a  dome-shaped  frame  of  small  branches  cut 
green,  stuck  in  the  ground,  bent  over,  and  lashed  with  bark.  In 
use  a  fire  is  kindled  within  or  near  by,  thoroughly  heated  boulders 
are  introduced,  and  the  fire  having  died  down,  skins  or  blankets 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  39 

are  thrown  over  the  frame  and  steam  is  produced  by  throwing 
water  on  the  heated  stone.  Urine  is  used  as  a  solvent  in  cleans- 
ing the  body  after  long  journeys  or  hunting  trips. 


DIVISION  OF  TIME 

Time  is  reckoned  by  moons  corresponding  to  our  months, 
which  are  characteristically  named  from  the  weather  conditions 
or  from  the  habits  of  animals.  The  calendar  year  commences 
with  October.  The  Tahltan  names  for  the  months  or  moons 
are  as  follow: 

October, Men  ten  tchet  ly, Little  cold.     (Little  ponds  get  ice.) 

November, Men  ten  tche, Big  cold.  (Big  lakes  and  rivers 

freeze.) 

December, Ghar  u  wue  sa, Rabbit  eats  quickly.  (Meaning 

the  days  are  getting  short.) 

January, Sartses  lar, Bad  (weather)  moon.  Also  Middle 

(of  year)  moon. 

February, Den  o  tenna, Little  crust  comes  on  snow. 

March, Iht  si  sa, Wind  moon.      South  wind  comes. 

April, Khlee  ten  narsa, Dog  runs  over  crust  on  snow. 

Dog  barks. 

May, Ih  a  zee  e  sa, .  .  . Running  moon.  (Animals  come 

out  of  winter  houses  afcd  travel 
pn\  loose  s-now.)  " 

June, A  ya  ze  sa, .-.  -^. .  . .  .«.  .Young  (born)  moon. 

July, A  chi  zee  sa, Molting  (birds)  moon.  Geese 

molt. 

August, Da  deah  e  sa, Groundhog  gets  white  hair.  An- 
imals fatten. 

September, Hos  talk  e  sa, Groundhog  in  prime  condition. 

She  animals  getting  fat. 


LIFE  THROUGHOUT  THE  YEAR 

The  routine  of  life  is  carried  on  from  year  to  year  with  little 
variation.  Commencing  with  the  fall,  when  the  fishing  season 
has  come  to  an  end  and  the  animals  have  fattened  and  have 


40  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

taken  on  their  winter  coats,  the  hunting  season  begins.  The 
natives  return  first  to  the  village,  the  dried  fish  that  is  not  re- 
quired for  use  is  cached,  traps  and  snares  are  gathered  together, 
winter  clothing  is  stored  in  the  pack  bags,  and  when  all  is  in 
readiness  they  set  out  for  the  hunting  grounds  by  families, 
generally  two  together,  with  all  the  dogs.  Men,  women,  and 
children,  to  the  extent  of  their  ability,  carry  back  packs,  and 
the  dogs  saddlebags.  Having  selected  a  favorable  locality, 
they  make  camp  and  hunt  and  trap  thereabouts  until  the  game 
has  become  scarce,  when  they  shift  their  camp,  and  so  continue 
throughout  the  winter;  but  it  is  now  the  custom  to  return  to 
the  village  about  Christmas,  and  to  go  out  again  later  for  the 
early  spring  hunting,  after  which  they  come  in  with  their  stock 
of  furs,  and  the  trading  commences.  This  is  the  time  of  sick- 
ness and  excesses,  for  after  months  of  hard  work  and  of  healthful 
living  in  the  open,  they  shut  themselves  in  their  badly  ventilated, 
overheated  houses,  and  with  immoderate  eating  and  complete 
relaxation  they  become  susceptible  to  colds  and  to  digestive 
troubles  that  weaken  their  constitutions  and  often  sow  the  seed 
of  chronic  diseases.  With  the  first  warm  days  of  spring  they 
become  restless  and  prepare  for  tent  life,  and  by  the  middle  of 
June,  with  the  coming  of  the  salmon,  they  are  settled  in  the 
summer  fishing  villages,  where  they  remain  until  September 
This  is  the  season  of  ease  and  enjoyment,  for  fishing  is  a  mere 
pastime  after  the  winter  hunting.  The  weather  is  delightful 
and  fish,  together  with  many  varieties  of  berries  and  roots, 
prove  a  healthful  change  from  a  continuous  diet  of  meat.  This 
being  the  only  period  when  the  members  of  the  tribe  are  brought 
together,  social  functions  are  in  order,  but  to  celebrate  them  they 
return  to  their  permanent  village  for  the  while.  The  close  of 
the  fishing  season  is  generally  selected  for  such  events. 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  41 

HOUSE  LIFE 

The  division  of  labor  by  the  sexes  is  clearly  defined,  al- 
though men  and  women  do  not  appear  unwilling  to  help  one 
another  whenever  circumstances  require.  The  man  is  the 
provider.  He  hunts,  traps,  fishes,  brings  in  the  game,  removes 
the  skin,  builds  the  house,  constructs  the  camp,  erects  the  skin- 
dressing  frame,  fashions  the  household  utensils  and  his  hunting 
and  fishing  implements,  working  tools,  and  the  snowshoe  frame, 
and  in  travelling  carries  a  pack.  The  woman  cares  for  the  chil- 
dren, prepares  and  cooks  the  food,  tans  the  skins  and  makes  them 
into  clothing,  including  the  carrying  bags  of  skin  and  netting, 
cuts  the  babiche  for  nets  and  snowshoes,,  and  fills  in  the  latter. 
She  cares  for  the  house  and  the  tent,  keeps  the  bedding  dry  and 
in  order,  provides  the  water,  and  usually  furnishes  the  firewood. 
The  children  render  cheerful  assistance  to  the  parents,  those 
too  young  to  hunt  or  to  do  laborious  work,  care  for  the  smaller 
children.  The  older  boys  hunt  with  their  fathers  and  look  after 
the  snares  and  traps,  while  the  girls  assist  their  mothers  in 
multifarious  domestic  duties.  No  attempt  is  made  to  teach  the 
children;  they  learn  by  observation  and  through  contact  from 
the  earliest  age,  and  they  play  and  work  with  equal  cheerfulness. 

The  position  of  the  woman  is  perfectly  assured,  and  while 
her  work  is  arduous  and  never  ceasing,  her  influence  in  the  house- 
hold is  unmistakable.  This  is  especially  evident  with  the  older 
women,  whose  advice  is  sought  on  all  occasions  involving  an  ex- 
change or  a  sale.  The  woman  usually;acts  as  the  family  treasurer 
and  holds  the  purse  strings.  The  relations  existing  between 
husband  and  wife  are  particularly  happy  as  a  rule,  they  appear 
to  be  affectionate,  and  reasonable  in  their  treatment  of  each 
other,  although  they  are  not  demonstrative.  The  devotion  of 
the  parents  to  the  children  is  most  noticeable,  and  they  certainly 
merit  it.  Corporal  punishment  is  uncommon;  indeed,  even  in 
the  quarrels  of  adults,  they  never  come  to  blows:  they  may 
talk  or  they  may  kill,  but  they  regard  a  blow  as  an  unworthy 
act. 


42  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

CLOTHING 

Primitive  clothing  passed  out  of  use  with  the  Cassiar 
invasion,  but  even  before  that  period  the  Hudson's  Bay  blanket 
was  the  staple  of  trade  with  the  coast  natives.  In  neither  of  my 
visits  to  Tahltan,  although  I  ransacked  every  house,  could  I 
find  a  single  piece  of  aboriginal  wearing  apparel,  aside  from  fur 
blankets,  moccasins,  and  mittens,  which  are  still  in  common  use. 
From  the  testimony  of  the  older  people,  the  dress  of  the  men  was 
of  tanned  skins  of  the  caribou,  the  moose,  and  the  mountain 
sheep,  and  consisted  of  a  shirt  reaching  just  below  the  thighs, 
trousers  either  reaching  to  the  ankles  or  having  feet  attached, 
moccasins,  mittens,  and  a  cap  of  fur. 

The  shirt  for  general  wear  was  ornamented  usually  with 
fringe  along  the  seams  of  the  body  and  the  sleeves.  The  trousers 
sometimes  were  similarly  ornamented  and  were  confined  below 
the  knee  with  a  garter.  In  cold  weather  fur  shirts  were  worn. 


FIG.  6a. — Pattern  of  Tahltan  moccasin.         FIG.  6b. — Pattern  of  moccasin  used  by  the 

Tahltan  but  borrowed  from  the  Kaska. 

The  moccasin  is  the  one  article  of  clothing  that  has  survived 
the  period  of  change  and  is  in  general  use  to-day  (Fig.  6).     It  is 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  43 

made  of  moose  or  caribou  skin,  with  a  high  flap  to  protect  the 
ankle,  and  is  provided  with  tie  strings  which  are  passed  around 
several  times.  In  winter  marmot  skins  with  the  fur  side  inward 
are  used.  Two  styles  of  moccasins  are  worn,  distinguished  from 
each  other  by  the  form  of  the  toe.  The  square-toed  moccasin 
is  essentially  Tahltan,  while  that  with  the  pointed  toe  was 
borrowed  from  the  Kaska.  The  trailer  is  rectangular  and  is 
much  the  same  in  each  kind.  The  ornamental  feature  consists 
of  a  tongue  of  cloth,  generally  red,  worked  in  beads  or  in  colored 
thread.  In  earlier  days  the  decoration  was  in  colored  quillwork. 

Mittens  of  caribou  skin,  ornamented  around  the  wrist- 
piece  in  quill  embroidery  or  with  colored  cloth  worked  in  thread 
or  beads,  are  attached  to  each  other  by  a  band  worn  over  the 
shoulders  to  prevent  loss.  Gloves  and  gauntlets  are  much  used 
to-day,  but  these  articles  are  not  aboriginal  and  have  been  bor- 
rowed from  the  whites. 

In  old  times  the  cap  was  of  the  fur  of  the  fox,  marten,  mar- 
mot, or  one  of  the  smaller  animals,  and  was  tight  fitting.  The 
more  decorative  clothing  worn  on  ceremonial  occasions  and  by 
the  chiefs  was  ornamented  with  a  yoke  of  porcupine  quill  em- 
broidery on  the  shirt  in  front  and  similar  bands  down  the 
trousers,  and  garters  of  embroidery  or  of  wrapped  quillwork. 
The  fringe  of  such  shirts  about  the  border  and  seams  was  very 
fine  and  was  wrapped  with  colored  quill  at  the  base.  Red  ochre 
was  much  used  to  color  the  fringe,  and  for  marking  a  line  around 
the  border,  but  it  was  superseded  by  vermilion,  and  in  like  man- 
ner beads  took  the  place  of  quill  embroidery. 

The  clothing  of  the  women  was  of  material  similar  to  that 
of  the  men  and  differed  from  it  only  in  length,  the  principal 
garment  assuming  more  the  proportions  of  a  dress.  In  severe 
weather  every  woman  was  provided  also  with  a  skin  blanket  of 
fox,  lynx,  marten,  ground  squirrel,  or  marmot  fastened  about  the 
neck  with  tie  strings  and  around  the  waist  with  a  belt.  The 
finer  blankets  were  bordered  in  front  with  a  strip  of  caribou 
skin,  often  ornamented  in  quill  or  bead  embroidery.  The  pads 


44 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.   UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 


covers. 


FIG.  7. — Cartridge  belt  worn  in  the  winter  dances. 


of  the  fox  and  the  lynx  were  made  into  blankets  for  wear  and  as 
Rabbit  skins  were  used  for  the  dress  of  the  children. 

Blankets  of  marmot  and 
other  furs  were  universally 
worn  around  the  shoulders 
by  both  sexes  and  all  ages 
in  camp  when  the  weather 
required,  and  are  still  used 
by  the  older  people. 

•*A  girl  on  reaching  the 
age  of  puberty  went  into 
confinement  and  could  ap- 
pear in  public  only  when 
dressed  in  a  skin  robe  worn 
over  the  head  and  reaching 
to  the  ground,  thus  concealing  her  from  view.  /, 

The  principal  ceremonial  apparel  found  among  the  Tahltan 
had  been  procured  from  the  Tlingit,  and  includes  Chilkat  blankets, 
the  distinctive  chief's  headdress  consisting  of  a  carved  wooden 
mask  surmounted  by  sea  lion  whiskers  and  a  train  of  ermine 
skins  pendent  behind,  the  carved  raven  rattle  of  the  coast, 
and  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  blue  blanket  bordered  with 
red  cloth  and  trimmed  with  pearl  buttons.  But  these  articles 
were  found  only  among  the  wealthy  who  ascribed  to  them  a 
fictitious  value.  Articles  of  their  own  design  and  workmanship 
are  confined  almost  entirely  to  embroidered  cartridge  belts 
(Fig.  7),  knife  sheaths,  and  bags  for  suspending  from  the  neck. 
These  are  of  caribou  skin  or  of  colored  cloth  ornamented  with 
colored  beads.  In  addition  they  wear  crowns  of  grizzly  bear 
claws,  the  skins  of  the  heads  of  animals  (Fig.  8),  ornamented  fur 
caps,  and  eagle  feathers.  I  saw  but  one  cloth  shirt  ornamented  in 
colored  beadwork,  one  blanket  shirt  decorated  with  lynx  teeth, 
and  another  shirt  made  of  the  pads  of  the  black  fox  trimmed 
with  colored  silk.  Eagle  tails,  often  colored  red,  are  carried  in 
the  hand.  I  found  one  very  beautiful  belt,  worked  in  colored 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


45 


quill  with  a  fine  fringe  wrapped  with  quill,  which  was  a  piece  of 
dance  apparel,  and  might  have  been  procured  from  the  Kaska  or 
the  Liard  people,  who  excel  in  such  work  (Fig.  9). 


FIG.  8. — Dancing  headdress  made  of  the  skin  of  the  head  of  a  young  caribou. 

Necklaces  of  bone  and  glass  beads,  dentalium,  beaver  claws, 
and  lynx  teeth  were  formerly  worn  by  the  women  but  to-day  they 
are  rarely  found  in  use.  'Bracelets  of  silver  procured  from  the 
Tlingit  have  superseded  the  older  ones  of  horn,  brass,  and  beads. 
Finger  rings  of  silver  from  the  same  source  are  still  worn  by 
the  women.  In  the  case  of  both  sexes,  on  the  day  of  birth 
or  shortly  afterwards  the  lobe  of  the  ear  and  the  septum  of 
the  nose  are  pierced — formerly  with  a  sharpened  claw  or 
bone  awl,  later  with  an  iron  point — and  a  cord  of  sinew  is  in- 
serted to  keep  the  aperture  open.  Later  in  life  the  helix  of 
the  ear  of  the  man  may  be  perforated  at  one,  two,  or  three  points, 
according  to  his  social  position.  On  ceremonial  occasions  an 
ornament  of  bone,  or  of  dentalium  or  haliotis  shell,  or  a  silver 
ring,  is  worn  through  the  nose.  Pendent  from  the  lobe  and  from  the 
holes  in  the  helix  of  the  ear,  dentalium  and  haliotis  shell  and  silver 
rings  are  likewise  worn  on  dance  occasions,  although  that  through 
the  lobe  may  be  of  every  day  use.  I  saw  no  evidence  of  the 


46 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 


use  of  the  labret  among  this  people,  and  they  assured  me  that 
this  custom  did  not  exist  among  them  in  early  days,  and  that 
if  a  woman  were  found  with  the  lip  pierced,  it  was  because  she 
was  of  the  coast  people  or  related  to  them. 


FIG.  9. — Quill  embroidered  ceremonial  belt. 

For  personal  decoration  the  face  was  daubed  with  red  ochre 
or  with  charcoal,  and  vermilion  procured  from  traders  was 
used  later  for  the  same  purpose.  No  figures,  totemic  or  other- 
wise, were  known.  To  protect  the  skin  from  bites  of  insects 
and  from  the  reflection  of  the  sunlight  on  the  snow,  to  prevent 
sun  blindness  from  the  glare,  and  t  indicate  grief  or  anger  the 
face  is  smeared  with  a  thin  coating  of  suet  from  the  goat,  sheep, 
or  caribou,  and  then  blackened  by  puffing  over  it  the  finely 
charred  powder  of  a  fungus  growth  of  the  hemlock.  Rudely 
improvised  snow  goggles  of  birch  bark,  with  narrow  slits  to 
admit  the  light,  are  also  used  while  travelling  over  the  snow 
in  bright  sunshine. 

The  men  formerly  wore  the  hair  cut  straight  around,  hanging 
to  or  almost  to  the  shoulders,  and  banged  across  the  forehead. 
For  dances  and  other  ceremonies  it  was  covered  with  swans- 
down.  The  hair  of  the  women  was  plaited  in  one  braid  that 
hung  down  the  back.  Those  of  the  higher  class  wore,  fastened 
around  this  braid,  near  the  head  and  hanging  down  over  it, 
a  strip  of  hide  covered  with  dentalium  in  parallel  rows,  each 
row  separated  from  the  other  by  lines  of  colored  beads  (PI.  VIII, 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE    TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


47 


D).  Attached  to  this  pendant  there  was  sometimes  a  copper, 
iron,  or  silver  ornament  of  peculiar  shape. 

Tattooing  was  common  in  the  past,  but  I  found  no  good 
examples  of  this  form  of  personal  ornamentation,  only  insig- 
nificant geometric  figures  on  the  backs  of  the  hands.  Formerly 
it  was  shown  in  lines  and  dots  on  the  forearm,  the  ankles,  the 
chin,  and  the  face.  It  was  accomplished  by  means  of  a  fine 
needle  and  a  thread  of  sinew  rubbed  in  powdered  charcoal. 

The  drum  is   so  intimately  associated  with  the  dress,  its 


FIG.  io.— Drum  consisting  of  a  piece  of  goat  skin  stretched  on  a  wooden  frame  and  decorated 

with  red  ochre. 

use  being  for  dance  occasions  only,  that  it  may  not  be  amiss  to 
mention  it  here  (Fig.  io).     It  is  made  of  the  tanned  hide  of  the 


48  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

mountain  goat,  stretched,  when  wet,  over  a  circular  wooden  frame, 
and  secured  on  the  under  side  by  cutting  the  skin  into  four  strips, 
tapering  from  the  circumference  to  the  centre,  where  they  are 
knotted,  and  so  serve  as  a  handle.  At  the  present  time  tacks 
are  often  used  around  the  lower  edge  of  the  frame  to  bring  all 
parts  taut.  The  head  is  often  painted  in  totemic "design.  The 
drums  are  much  smaller  than  those  used  by  the  Tlingit  and 
some  of  them  are  very  small.  The  instrument  may  be  beaten 
with  the  fist,  but  generally  an  improvised  drumstick  is  em- 
ployed. No  regular  drumstick  was  seen. 

Etched  or  carved  implements  and  utensils  were  further 
ornamented  with  red  ochre. 

Porcupine  quills  were  dyed  black  by  boiling  in  water  with 
a  powdered  black  stone.  Red  was  likewise  obtained  from  a  red 
mineral  powder.  Articles  were  dyed  yellow  by  boiling  tree 
moss  and  steeping  the  objects  in  the  decoction  and  boiling. 
Green  was  obtained  from  decayed  wood. 

The  primitive  ornamentation  of  clothing  was  in  colored 
quill  embroidery,  but  with  the  acquisition  of  trade  beads  this 
was  abandoned.  The  oldest  beadwork  was  made  by  stringing 
the  beads  on  sinew;  the  whole  piece  of  work  was  then  attached 
to  the  body  material.  With  the  introduction  of  steel  needles 
the  cloth  ground  was  embroidered  and  then  sewed  on  the  skin. 

HOUSEHOLD    IMPLEMENTS  AND  UTENSILS 

As  previously  stated,  in  household  utensils  the  Tahltan 
were  particularly  poor,  judging  from  their  own  accounts,  and 
indeed  little  has  survived  their  transformation,  for  to-day  they 
depend  entirely  on  what  they  obtain  from  trading  stores.  The 
aboriginal  water  vessels  and  cooking  utensils  were  of  birch  bark 
similar  to  those  found  among  the  neighboring  Dene  people,  and 
in  their  trade  with  the  Tlingit  they  obtained  wooden  food  dishes, 
boxes,  and  woven  spruce  root  baskets  which  were  used  for  like 
purposes.  I  failed  to  find  any  evidence  of  the  bark  vessel  among 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  49 

them,  although  I  saw  some  boxes  and  baskets  from  the  coast 
on  which  they  set  great  value,  and  also  a  single  dish  made 
from  mountain  sheep  horn  used  to  hold  oil.  Spoons  of  the 
horn  of  the  mountain  sheep,  mountain  goat,  and  caribou, 
and  also  of  wood,  were  rudely  fashioned  and  were  ornamented 
in  geometric  figures  filled  in  with  red  ochre  or  with  brass  tacks. 
Some  artistically  carved  goat  horn  spoons  inlaid  with  haliotis 
shell,  and  several  painted  wooden  spoons  in  possession  of  the 
chief,  had  been  procured  from  the  coast.  The  soapberry  spoon 
was  of  wood  or  of  caribou  horn  and  was  without  ornamentation. 
The  only  visible  stone  implements  used  in  the  preparation  of 
food  were  a  couple  of  woman's  hand  hammers,  or  mashers 
which  were  clearly  procured  in  trade  from  the  coast.  Trinket 
boxes  were  made  by  scraping  very  thin  a  section  of  caribou  horn, 
which  was  softened  in  boiling  water,  then  bent  around  a  circu- 
lar bottom  of  wood,  and  the  end  overlapped  and  sewed.  The 
cover  was  similarly  made. 

Root  diggers  are  simply  sharpened  sticks.  Snow  shovels 
are  used  for  making  paths  from  the  house  or  camp.  Hooks  of 
horn  of  or  wood,  secured  to  the  house  walls  or  to  camp  poles, 
serve  for  hanging  hunting  implements. 

Fire  was  formerly  produced  by  means  of  a  drill  stick  manip- 
ulated between  the  palms  pressed  against  a  bed-piece  of  wood, 
but  it  is  said  that  a  bow  drill  was  used  by  the  women  as  more 
easy  of  manipulation.  In  later  years  flint  and  steel  and  light 
tree-punk  were  employed. 

BAGS  AND  NETTING 

Bags  of  skin  and  net,  varying  in  size  and  shape  for  the  sexes 
and  to  meet  the  requirements  for  which  they  are  intended  form 
an  all  important  feature  in  the  economic  life  of  the  Tahltan. 
These  people  are  indifferent  workers  in  wood,  and  make  no 
attempt  to  fashion  boxes  and  chests;  neither  are  they  basket 
weavers.  The  bag  takes  the  place  of  such  articles,  and  its 
lightness  and  compactness  make  it  indispensable  to  a  travelling 
people  whose  only  means  of  transportation  is  the  pack.  The 


50  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

dry  climate  in  which  they  live  permits  its  use  in  all  seasons.  All 
the  varieties  of  bags  are  made  by  the  woman. 

The  largest  size  is  that  used  as  a  trunk  for  the  storage  of 
clothing  (PL  IX,  C).  It  is  of  a  single  piece  of  tanned  caribou  skin, 
sewed  up  the  sides,  the  extension  of  the  back  piece  forming  a  flap 
that  can  be  buttoned  or  tied  down  over  the  opening.  Not  being 
designed  for  transportation,  it  is  not  fitted  with  carrying  loops. 
This  bag  is  fringed  around  the  sides  and  bottom,  and  ornamented 
with  colored  cloth  and  beadwork  within  the  border  and  over  the 
flap.  It  is  wholly  the  property  of  the  woman,  and  much  taste 
is  displayed  in  its  ornamentation. 

Second  in  size,  but  first  in  importance,  is  the  pack  bag,  which 
differs  according  to  the  sex  for  which  it  is  designed  (PL  VII,  B). 
As  has  been  seen,  the  Tahltan  are  trail  men  and  land  travellers. 
Their  rivers  are  swift  and  treacherous,  flowing  through  rock  canons, 
and  are  dangerous  or  impossible  to  navigate,  hence  they  have 
little  knowledge  of  the  water,  and  seldom  trust  themselves  upon 
it  except  to  cross  a  lake  or  a  stream  on  rude,  improvised  rafts. 
When  travelling  they  pack  their  belongings  on  their  backs. 
Formerly,  in  winter,  they  used  a  bag-like  sledge  of  skin,  but  this 
has  been  superseded  by  the  conventional  wooden  sledge  drawn 
by  large  dogs. 

The  woman's  bag  is  of  tanned  caribou  skin,  about  two  feet 
long  by  eighteen  inches  deep,  made  in  one  piece.  The  sides 
are  sewn  together,  leaving  a  double  border  of  about  three  inches 
outside  the  seam,  which  is  cut  in  fringe;  a  corresponding  fringe 
is  sewn  along  the  bottom,  and  the  outside  is  ornamented  with  a 
band  of  colored  cloth,  edged  with  beads  or  bead  embroidery 
extending  around  the  sides.  This  form  of  ornamentation  has 
superseded  the  more  primitive  embroidery  in  porcupine  quills. 
A  line  of  skin  is  inserted  and  half-hitched  at  short  intervals 
around  the  mouth.  Through  this  a  lacing  is  passed  to  secure 
the  contents;  and  at  each  end  is  sewn  a  stout  loop  to  which 
the  pack  straps  are  made  fast, 

A  bag  similar  in  character,  but  larger  and   heavier,   was 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE    TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


51 


formerly  carried  by  the  men,  but  it  is  seldom  seen  to-day.  The 
back  was  of  tanned  caribou  skin,  the  front  of  strips  of  the  leg 
skin  of  the  moose  or  caribou  with  the  hair  remaining  and  show- 
ing on  the  outside.  It  was  generally  plain,  but  sometimes  was 
ornamented  with  fringe. 

The  bag  used  by  the  man  is  of  babiche,  netted  to  a  band 
of  caribou  skin,  from  an  inch  to  three  inches  wide,  sometimes 
embroidered  in  porcupine  quill  or  beads,  and  extending  around  the 
mouth  (PI.  IX,  D).  It  is  about  two  feet  long  and  fourteen  inches 
deep,  with  quarter-inch  to  half-inch  meshes.  The  band  around 
the  mouth  is  slit  at  short  intervals,  and  through  these  slits  the 
double  tie  string,  made  fast  in  the  middle,  is  laced,  to  secure  the 
contents  in  carriage.  Two  stout  loops  are  sewn  to  the  band  at 
each  corner  to  receive  the  pack  straps.  This  bag  serves  for  carry- 
ing food  for  a  day's  travel,  or  for  transporting  game,  snares, 
utensils,  and  other  belongings  of  the  man. 

Another  pack  bag  of  net  is  used  for  carrying  fresh  fish. 
It  is  made  of  a  coarse,  two- 
strand,  twisted  cord  of  the  wool 
of  the  mountain  goat  (PL  IX,  E). 
The  meshes  are  from  three  quar- 
ters of  an  inch  to  an  inch,  and 
the  cord  is  an  eighth  of  an  inch  in 
diameter.  The  network  is  half- 
hitched  around  a  four-strand 
plaited  rope  at  the  mouth,  and 
is  held  secure  by  a  single  line 
wound  around  each  half-hitch 
and  the  rope.  The  rope  is 
knotted  into  loops  at  each  end, 
and  continues  beyond  one  end 
for  three  feet  or  more  in  two  lines 
that  serve  as  breast  cords  for 
packing.  The  advantage  of  using 
the  goat's  wool  cord  in  these  bags  for  carrying  fresh  fish  is  that 


FIG.  n. — Carrying  strap. 


52  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.   UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

it  remains  soft  and  pliable  with  the  constant  wetting  and  the 
slime  of  the  fish,  which  would  soon  ruin  a  bag  of  skin  or  babiche. 
This  bag  is  seldom  seen  to-day;  I  saw  but  one  woman  who  still 
used  it. 

In  using  the  pack  bag,  two  carrying  straps  are  employed, 
the  breast  cord  and  the  headband.  The  former  is  always 
used,  but  the  latter  is  brought  into  service  only  on  long  journeys 
and  when  the  weight  of  the  load  is  great.  The  breast  cord  is 
of  four-strand  plaited  strips  of  well  tanned  caribou  hide  from 
fifteen  to  twenty-five  feet  long;  it  is  generally  doubled  and 
secured  to  a  leg  bone  of  the  marten,  mink,  or  other  small  animal. 
In  use  it  is  secured  near  the  end  to  the  loop  of  the  pack  bag, 
carried  over  the  shoulders  and  chest,  run  through  the 'other  loop, 
brought  back  again  and  carried  around  the  bone,  and  secured 
to  its  own  part;  or,  if  the  bone  is  wanting,  the  two  ends  are  tied 
together  in  front.  The  advantage  of  the  bone  attachment  is 
in  the  easy  adjustment  of  the  cord  by  using  the  bone  as  a  pulley, 
and  the  readiness  with  which  the  pack  can  be  slipped.  Generally, 
in  packing,  a  piece  of  old  blanket  or  clothing  is  thrown  over  the 
shoulders  and  brought  across  the  chest  to  relieve  the  pressure 
of  the  cord.  The  headband  (Fig.  n),  which  is  used  when  heavy 
burdens  are  borne,  or  on  long  journeys,  consists  of  a  strip  of  the  leg- 
skin  of  the  moose  or  caribou,  slightly  tanned  and  with  the  hair  re- 
maining, about  two  feet  long  by  four  to  five  and  one-half  inches 
in  breadth.  It  is  lengthened  about  six  inches  at  each  end  by 
the  addition  of  a  heavy,  rounded  piece  of  hard,  tanned  leather, 
to  which  is  sewn  a  double  tie  string  of  caribou  hide  from  a  foot 
to  eighteen  inches  in  length.  Just  within  the  junction  of  the 
band  and  the  leather  ends  a  bone  stretcher  is  seized  to  keep  the 
band  flattened  out,  thus  distributing  the  weight  over  a  greater 
surface  of  the  head.  This  band  passes  above  the  forehead.  It 
is  the  first  to  be  adjusted,  then  the  tie  strings  are  made  fast 
to  the  loops  of  the  pack  bag.  With  few  exceptions  the  stretching 
bones  are  ornamentally  etched  or  cut  in  geometric  figures,  which 
are  filled  in  with  red  ochre  or  vermilion  (Fig.  12).  \ 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN    INDIANS. 


53 


The  skin  sledge,  above  alluded  to,  is  a  capacious  oblong 
pack  bag  that  is  drawn  over  the  snow  in  winter,  and  is  aboriginal 
in  both  design  tind  construction.  It  consists  of  strips  of  the 


FIG.  12. — Bone  attachments  for  carrying  straps. 

leg  skin  of  moose  or  caribou,  untanned,  and  sewed  together 
in  such  manner  that  the  hair  lies  lengthwise.  The  sewn  strips 
are  drawn  together  at  the  fore  end,  and  along  the  border  are 
cut  slits  through  which  a  cross-lashing  is  carried  when  the  bag 
is  packed,  so  that  the  sides  are  brought  well  over  the  contents. 
Two  heavy  loops  of  hide*are  sewed  near  the  head,  one  on  each 


54  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

side,  to  which  the  span  is  made  fast,  and  to  this  the  hauling  line 
is  secured.  This  sledge  is  drawn  by  hand,  and  when  moving 
in  the  direction  of  the  hair  it  offers  but  little  resistance.  If,  when 
going  down  steep  inclines,  over  a  frozen  surface,  the  sledge 
acquires  too  great  momentum,  by  a  dexterous  turn  of  the  drag 
rope  it  can  be  quickly  slued  and  its  progress  cheeked  through 
the  resistance  of  the  short,  stiff  hairs  against  the  ground. 
Wooden  sleds  of  the  conventional  type  drawn  by  dogs  have  super- 
seded this  older  type. 

To-day  the  Tahltan  possess  many  dogs  of  all  breeds  and 
sizes,  a  mongrel  lot,  but  very  useful  for  packing  and  for  hauling 
sledges.  Prior  to  the  Cassiar  gold  ^excitement  they  had  only 
very  small  fox-like  dogs,  of  a  breed  I  have  never  seen  elsewhere, 
intelligent,  keen  of  scent,  and  excellent  hunters,  but  too 
tiny  to  be  of  any  service  in  transportation.  Dog  packing, 
therefore,  is  a  borrowed  industry,  and  consequently  the  pack 
saddle  is  not  original  with  the  Tahltan.  The  saddle  is  sometimes 
of  skin,  but  more  often  of  canvas,  and  is  provided  with  a  pocket 
on  each  side.  The  pack  line  passes  over  the  bags,  then  comes 
beneath  and  around  outside,  around  the  dog  in  the  rear  of  the 
pack,  and  about  the  neck.  A  dog  carries  from  twenty-five  to 
fifty  pounds,  according  to  its  size  and  strength. 

Every  adult  is  provided  with  a  work  or  repair  bag  of  con- 
ventional form  but  differing  according  to  the  sex  of  the  owner, 
in  which  the  implements  and  other  articles  of  every  day  use 
are  kept.  Whether  in  the  house  or  in  the  camp  this  bag  is 
always  at  hand,  and  in  travel  it  is  placed  at  the  top  of  the  pack, 
convenient  of  access.  The  man's  bag  of  tanned  caribou  skin 
is  rectangular  in  form,  with  an  average  length  of  fourteen  inches 
and  a  depth  of  eight  inches.  It  is  generally  of  two  pieces, 
sewn  together  along  the  sides  and  bottom,  leaving  outside  a 
margin  of  an  inch  or  more  which  is  fringed  for  ornamentation. 
Within  the  outside  seam  a  strip  of  colored  cloth  is  attached  all 
the  way  around,  and  is  edged  with  beads.  Around  the  opening 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  55 

a  cording  of  hide  extends,  or  narrow  slits  are  cut,  through  which 
a  tie  string  serves  as  a  lacing  to  protect  the  contents  (PI.  X). 

Certain   tools    and    accessories    are   found    in   every   sack, 
the  most  important  being  the  following. 

(1)  The  knife  is  of  two  varieties:  one  with  a  straight,  the 
other  with  a  curved  steel  blade,  fitted  and  secured  by  means  of 
a  hide  seizing  to  a  handle  of  wood,  bone,  or  horn.     Both  of  these 
have  their  uses  in  the  manufacture  of  household,  hunting,  and 
fishing  implements. 

(2)  The  snowshoe  chisel,  of  steel,  has  a  thick  blade,  but  a 
narrow  cutting  edge,   and   is   used   principally  for  perforating 
the  frame  of  the  snowshoe  to   receive  the  lacing.      It  is  set  in 
and  lashed  with  hide  to  a  short,  thick  handle  of  wood  or  of  bone, 
larger  at  the  head,  and  cut  out  so  that  considerable  pressure 
may  be  brought  to  bear  upon  it  without  danger  of  slipping.     This 
form  of  blade  and  handle  is  universal  among  the  interior  tribes 
as  far  as  the  Alsech  valley,  and  is  also  found  among  the  Chilkat. 

(3)  The  awl,  consisting  of  a  steel  point  inserted  in  a  handle 
of  horn  or  of  wood,  serves  a  variety  of  purposes  in  addition  to 
its  original  use  as  a  sewing  instrument.     The  point  is  sometimes 
protected  by  a  wooden  case.     Before  the  introduction  of  iron 
the  awl  was  a  sharpened  bone. 

(4)  A  piece  of  fine-grained  sandstone  of  convenient  size  and 
shape  to  sharpen  the  steel  tools. 

(5)  A  beaver   jawbone  with  the   teeth  intact,  or  a  bear's 
incisor,  across  which  the  knife  blade  is  drawn  after  it  has  been 
ground  on  the  stone  to  give  it  a  keen  edge. 

(6)  A  strip  of  caribou  sinew  for  thread  or  seizing. 

(7)  A   lancet  for   surgical   purposes,   consisting  of   a  steel 
blade  inserted  in  a  wooden  handle,  or  wrapped  with  bark,  root,  or 
sinew,  and  extending  well  down  the  blade  so  that  it  can  pene- 
trate only  so  far  in  the  flesh.     The  Tahltan  puncture  swellings 
and  inflammation  to  produce  irritation  and  to  bleed  the  parts, 
and  dress  the  wounds  with  bird's  down.     This,  so  far  as  I  could 
learn,  is  the  only  surgical  operation  they  perform.      When  not  in 


56 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 


use,  the  lancet  is  wrapped  in  a  small  piece  of  skin  to  protect  the 
blade.  The  same  practice  and  a  similar  instrument  are  common 
among  the  Tlingit  and  may  have  been  borrowed  from  them. 


FIG.  13. — Woman's  workbag  with  contents.     A  and  B:  bone  attachments  for  carrying  strap 

C:  sewing  awl.     D:  netting  needle  for  netting  mocassins.     E:  paint  bag.     F:  stone 

scraper  for  dressing  skins.       G:  sinew  thread.     H:     workbag. 

(8)  A  long,  narrow,  skin  bag  containing  pulverized  red  ochre 
or  vermilion  for  facial  decoration,  as  well  as  for  rilling  the  in- 
cisions and  etched  figures  on  bone  implements,  and  for  coloring 
skin  clothing. 

Besides  the  articles  enumerated  above,  there  are  numerous 
spare  articles  for  repairing,  together  with  odds  and  ends  more 
individual  in  character,  that  may  be  found  in  one  or  another 
bag,  as  bone  gambling  toggles,  pack  strap  stretchers,  bone 
skinning  knife,  medicinal  roots,  snowshoe  friction  brakes  of 
goat  horn,  gaff  hooks,  fishhooks,  beaver  spears,  and  sometimes 
such  old  pieces  as  have  been  used  in  the  past  and  have  possibly 


G.    T.   EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


57 


been  found  and  are  kept  for  no  particular  reason,  as  cutting  chips 
of  obsidian,  and  arrow  and  bow  heads. 

The  woman's  workbag  is  smaller  than  that  of  the  man, 
more  square  in  shape,  and  made  with  a  long  flap  beyond  the 
pocket  (PL  XI).  When  not  in  use  it  is  rolled  up  and  secured  with 
a  single  tie  string  wrapped  around.  This  bag  is  generally  orna- 
mented with  a  strip  of  colored  cloth  around  the  border,  beaded 
but  never  fringed  (Figs.  13,  14,  15). 
It  usually  contains  the  following 
articles. 

(1)  A  knife,  with  a  straight 
blade  similar  to  that  of  the  man's 
knife  but  very  much  smaller.     This 
is    used    in    cutting    babiche,    and 
skins  for  clothing,  and  in  netting 
snowshoes,    bags,    and    lines.      In 
early  days  obsidian  splinters  served 
as  knives  for  such  purposes. 

(2)  An   awl,  consisting  of  an 
iron  point  set  in  a  handle  of  horn, 
bone,  or  wood.     It  serves  the  pur- 
pose of  a  needle  when  sinew  thread 
is  used   in   making   skin   clothing, 
and  is  the  most  personal  article  in 
the  woman's  life;  indeed  a  favorite 
awl  is  seldom  parted  with.     It  is 
made  by  the  man,  and,  inartistic 
as  these  people  are,  this  particular 
implement    exhibits    in    both    the 

selection  of  the  material  and  its  construction  a  desire  to  pro- 
duce something  more  ornate  than  the  ordinary  working  tool. 

(3)  Caribou    sinew   for   thread,    made   by   separating   the 
tendonous  tissue  with  the  finger  nail  and  stripping  off  very  fine 
fibres.    These  are  rolled  on  the  leg,  and  two  of  them  may  be  rolled 
together  to  produce  longer  thread.     In  connection  with  the  awl 


FIG.  14. — Woman's  workbag  with  con- 
tents. A:  sewing  awl.  B  and  C:  netting 
needles.  D:  earring  of  abalone  shell. 
E:  lancet.  F:  sinew  thread.  G:  workbag. 


58 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.   UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 


and  the  sinew  thread  may  here  be  mentioned  the  thread  holders, 
which,  though  not  kept  in  the  bag,  on  account  of  their  size, 
form  a  part  of  the  sewing  outfit.  Only  three  of  these  were 
found  among  the  Tahltan,  two  of  wood  and  one  of  bone,  all 
ornamentally  shaped  and  incised.  They  are  no  longer  used. 

They  are  in  the  form  of  a  small  stake 
sharpened  at  the  lower  end.  Near 
the  head  they  are  cut  halfway 
through,  and  then  split  down  one- 
third  the  length.  When  in  use  the 
sharpened  end  was  stuck  in  the 
ground,  within  easy  reach  of  the 
sewer.  The  threads  were  middled, 
passed  through  the  horizontal  open- 
ing, and  arranged  in  the  vertical  slit 
one  above  the  other  with  the  shorter 
projecting  end  toward  the  operator, 
who,  as  she  needed  a  new  thread, 
drew  out  the  uppermost  one. 

(4)  A    small  whetstone   and   a 

beaver  tooth  or  a  bear  tooth  for  sharpening  the  knife  and  the 
awl  may  often  be  found  in  the  woman's  workbag. 

(5)  A  net  needle  of  bone,  used  in  netting  the  babiche  filling 
of  snowshoes. 

(6)  A  hand  skin  dresser  of  stone,  and  sometimes  a  short 
one  of  bone. 

(7)  Such  articles  as  fungus  for  blackening  the  face,  a  bag 
of  red  ochre  for  personal  adornment,  a  lancet,  and  such  odds  and 
ends  as  may  have  been  found  or  have  been  dropped  into  the  bag 
for  safe  keeping. 

A  small  bag  of  tanned  moose  or  caribou  skin,  carried  by  the 
man,  suspended  by  a  strap  over  the  shoulders,  used  originally  as 
a  fire  sack,  later  to  hold  ammunition  for  the  muzzle  loader,  has, 
with  the  introduction  of  the  breech  loader,  degenerated  into  a 
ceremonial  appendage,  and  as  such  bids  fair  to  survive  every  other 


FIG.  15. — Woman's  workbag  and 
contents.  A',  sewing  awl.  B:  sinew 
thread.  C:  workbag  rolled  up  and 
fastened  with  attached  thong. 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN  ^INDIANS.  59 

type  of  bag  (PL  IX,  A).  In  every  household  these  were  found 
in  great  abundance,  as  many  as  ten  or  twelve  in  the  possession 
of  an  individual.  Indeed  these  bags  from  their  number  and 
ornamentation  seem  to  mark  the  measure  of  the  wife's  affection 
for  her  husband,  for  in  no  other  product  of  the  Tahltan  (save 
the  knife  case,  which  forms  a  companion  piece)  is  so  fully  ex- 
pressed a  sense  of  the  aesthetic  both  in  elegance  of  design  and  in 
harmony  of  color,  which  is  in  marked  contrast  with  the  general 
inartistic  work  of  this  people.  While  a  few  square  and  oblong 
bags  are  met  with,  the  characteristic  form  is  rounded  at  the 
bottom.  The  pocket  is  in  depth  about  two-thirds  of  that  of  the 
bag;  to  the  back  piece,  which  is  the  longer,  a  broad  neckband 
is  attached.  The  primitive  embroidery  was  in  colored  por- 
cupine quill,  and  dentalium  shells  were  often  added;  but  of  late 
years  red  and  blue  cloth,  and  trade  beads,  have  formed  their 
chief  media  of  decoration. 

Another  type  of  bag,  wholly  ornamental,  in  which  the  bottom 
is  divided  into  strips,  elaborately  beaded,  is  worn  on  dance 
occasions;  but  it  is  not  confined  to  the  Tahltan,  as  it  is  found  as 
far  north  as  the  Yukon  basin  and  is  equally  popular  among  the 
Tlingit  of  the  coast. 

Improvised  bags  consisting  of  the  whole  skins  of  smaller 
animals,  as  the  marmot,  the  rabbit,  the  young  of  the  mountain 
goat,  and  the  beaver,  with  the  fur  intact,  are  used  for  storing 
small  articles  of  various  kinds. 

SNOWSHOES 

Snowshoes  form  an  indispensable  adjunct  to  the  life  of 
this  entire  region,  and  its  native  inhabitants  are  very  expert 
in  their  manufacture.  The  men  furnish  the  frame  complete, 
and  the  women  provide  and  net  the  filling.  The  frame  is  fash- 
ioned of  willow,  spruce,  or  birch.  The  willow  is  the  lightest 
wood,  but  is  not  very  durable;  the  spruce  is  somewhat  heavy, 
and  to  a  degree  brittle;  the  birch  is  best  in  dry  snow,  but  absorbs 
moisture  readily,  when  it  becomes  heavy. 


60  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

The  frames  are  made  in  three  distinct  shapes,  each  de- 
pending on  the  service  for  which  the  shoe  is  to  be  used,  and  on 
the  fancy  of  the  individual.  For  travel  over  lakes,  rivers,  and 
open  country  the  raised  oval  toe  is  preferred;  for  hunting  in  the 
small  wood  and  over  brush  lands  the  raised  pointed  toe  is 
best  (known  as  the  Kaska  type  after  the  people  from  whom  it 
was  borrowed).  Children  use  the  flat  rounded  toe  which  is  of 
simpler  construction.  The  toe  of  the  shoe  is  raised  to  keep  it 
from  digging  in  the  snow.  The  frame  of  all  the  types  is  of  two 
equal  pieces,  spliced  and  wound  at  the  toe,  and  brought  to- 
gether and  secured  at  the  heel.  The  bending  of  the  toe  to 
produce  the  upward  and  rounding  curve  is  done  gradually  by 
successive  wetting,  steaming  over  the  fire,  and  lashing.  The 
oval  flattened  cross-pieces,  of  which  there  are  three  in  the  rounded 
toe  form  and  two  in  that  with  the  pointed  toe,  are  let  into 
horizontal  mortises  in  the  frame;  and  the  perforation  for  the 
selvage  thong  on  which  the  netting  is  woven  is  made  with  the 
special  awl  described  among  the  implements  to  be  found  in  the 
repair  bag  of  every  man.  When  finished  the  frame  is  turned 
over  to  the  woman  to  be  netted. 

The  filling  of  the  front  and  rear  spaces  on  the  hexagonal 
netting  is  of  fine  babiche  of  caribou  skin,  but  it  is  said  that  the 
skin  of  the  mountain  sheep  is  sometimes  substituted.  It  is 
passed  around  the  cross-bars  and  through  the  loops  of  the  selvage 
thong,  which  is  woven  in  two  different  ways:  (i)  by  looping 
through  the  perforation  and  around  a  small  peg  on  the  outside, 
and  drawing  the  peg  and  loop  into  the  V-shaped  hole  and 
countersink;  or  (2)  the  thong,  is  doubled  around  each  alternate 
pair  of  perforations  and  countersunk  on  the  outside  of  the  frame 
in  horizontal  grooves,  giving  a  continuous  series  of  loops  along  the 
inside.  In  the  wake  of  the  permanent  toe  wrapping,  ths  thong 
passes  inside  and  over  alternate  pairs  of  the  seizings. 

The  netting  of  the  central  foot  space  of  moose  or  caribou 
rawhide,  in  a  coarse  hexagonal  weave,  passes  over  both  cross- 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  61 

bars  and  frame.  The  rest  for  the  ball  of  the  foot  is  simply  a 
double  cross-line.  Beaver  skin  was  sometimes  used  as  an  extra 
strong  foot  filling  in  the  shoes  of  the  leader  who  broke  the  trail 
in  heavy  snow. 

For  ornamental  purposes  tufts  of  red  and  blue  worsted  are 
gathered  into  the  knots  or  loops  of  the  netting  thong  around  the 
outside  of  the  front  and  rear  spaces.  The  foot  loops  are  of 
coarse  hide.  The  usual  proportion  of  the  adult's  shoe  is  in  length 
about  four  and  one-half  times  the  maximum  breadth. 

A  brake  attachment  to  the  snowshoe,  to  prevent  slipping 
on  hard  or  crusted  snow,  particularly  when  travelling  over  a 
hilly  country,  consists  of  the  tip  of  a  horn  of  the  mountain  goat, 
which,  lashed  to  the  frame  and  projecting  beneath  the  margin, 
inclining  inward  and  backward,  prevents  slipping.  Such  a 
brake  is  secured  to  each  side  of  the  frame,  abreast  the  main  front 
crossbar,  and  the  hide  seizing  passes  around  the  frame  and  over 
the  notched  head  of  the  horn  to  resist  the  upward  pressure  from 
crusted  snow.  This  attachment  is  employed  by  the  people  of 
the  interior,  back  of  the  Chilkat  mountains.  It  has  been  adopted 
by  the  Chilkat,  and  is  in  use  also  by  the  Nishka  on  the  upper 
waters  of  Nass  river. 

The  snowshoe  staff,  an  accompaniment  of  the  shoe  often 
necessary  when  the  travel  is  over  soft  and  deep  snow,  con- 
sists of  a  staff  of  the  thickness  of  a  walking  stick,  and  about  five 
feet  long,  the  lower  end  terminating  in  a  dull  point.  A  few 
inches  above  the  point  is  cut  a  shallow  groove,  around  which  is 
lashed  a  small,  circular,  netted  shoe  about  six  inches  in  diameter. 
The  frame  of  this  shoe  consists  of  a  flat  section  of  birch  or  of 
willow,  cut  green,  bent  round  and  seized  to  its  own  part.  The 
netting  is  of  coarse  babiche  made  from  caribou  skin  and  woven 
over  a  thong  which  is  run  through  the  perforations  of  the  frame. 


62  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 


FOOD 

The  Tahltan,  being  hunters,  are  essentially  meat  eaters, 
and  while  they  enjoy  fresh  fish  in  the  summer  season,  and  cure 
a  certain  amount,  they  care  little  for  the  dried  product  as  a 
winter  diet,  using  it  more  for  dog  food,  when  other  sources  of 
supply  fail. 

They  cook  all  fresh  meat  and  fish,  and  while  to-day  they 
are  supplied  with  kettles  and  pans,  in  primitive  times  they  had 
very  few  utensils,  so  that  fresh  food  was  prepared  in  the  simplest 
manner  by  roasting  on  a  spit  before  the  open  fire..  In  boiling 
food  they  used  watertight  vessels  of  birch  bark,  rude  wooden 
dugouts,  and  boxes  and  baskets,  which  latter  were  procured  in 
trade  from  the  coast  people.  The  operation  of  cooking  was 
accomplished  by  means  of  heated  stones  dropped  into  the  water. 

The  nomadic  life  of  the  Tahltan,  which  necessitates  the 
carrying  of  all  burdens  on  the  back  compels  them  to  dispense 
with  everything  superfluous,  hence  the  lack  of  utensils. 

Caribou  and  moose  meat  constitute  the  main  food  supply, 
although  the  Tahltan  say  that  before  they  were  supplied  with  fire- 
arms they  depended  largely  on  the  smaller  animals  which  were 
more  easily  taken,  particularly  the  ground  hog,  which  they  snared 
in  great  numbers  in  the  fall  and  dried  for  winter  use.  The  fat  of 
the  marmot  was  removed  and  packed  away  in  bags  made  of  the 
stomach  of  the  animal,  or  of  the  whole  skin,  which  was  removed  by 
drawing  back  over  the  carcass  through  an  incision  made  at  the 
mouth.  The  fat  is  sometimes  melted,  poured  into  the  bladder 
and  the  latter  tied  at  the  opening.  Rabbits  being  abundant,  and 
easily  snared,  become  a  very  important  adjunct  when  naught  else 
can  be  obtained.  Bears  of  the  black,  grizzly,  and  brown  species, 
the  mountain  sheep  and  mountain  goat,  beaver,  porcupine,  grouse, 
ptarmigan,  and  all  migratory  water  fowl  likewise  serve  as  food. 
The  soapberry  is  dried  in  the  form  of  cakes  for  winter  use.  Cer- 


G.    T.   EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN    INDIANS.  63 

tain  roots,  as  well  as  the  inner  bark  of  the  black  pine,  are  also 
eaten. 

Whitefish  are  procured  from  Dease  lake,  but  in  such  a 
limited  quantity  that,  although  greatly  esteemed,  they  are  hardly 
worthy  of  mention. 

It  is  probable  that  in  early  days  fish,  both  dried  and  frozen, 
was  a  much  more  important  item  of  food  than  it  is  to-day,  when, 
with  improved  arms,  the  Tahltan  can  procure  all  the  game  they 
require,  not  to  mention  the  products  of  civilization  which  are 
becoming  necessary  to  their  changed  condition. 

The  cultivation  of  potatoes  has  met  with  little  success  on 
account  of  the  lack  of  rain  and  the  extreme  dryness  of  the  soil. 


SMOKING  AND  ITS  SUBSTITUTES 

Tobacco  was  unknown  to  the  Tahltan  and  their  neighbors 
until  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  when  it  was  in- 
troduced from  the  coast  by  the  Tlingit  who  had  procured  it  in 
trade  from  visiting  European  vessels.  Prior  to  that  time  smoking 
was  not  practised  by  either  people.  A  substitute  for  tobacco, 
likewise  brought  from  the  coast,  consisted  of  a  mixture  of  pow- 
dered burnt  clam  shell,  charred  tree  bark  and  a  species  of  nico- 
tine plant  dried;  these  were  reduced  to  the  form  of  a  paste 
"and  rolled  into  little  pellets  the  size  of  a  pea.  One  of  the  pellets 
was  placed  between  the  lower  lip  and  the  gum  and  sucked, 
necessitating  constant  expectoration.  The  nicotine  plant,  which 
was  cultivated  among  the  Tlingit,  is  said  to  have  been  brought 
up  the  Stikine  river  and  planted  in  small  garden  patches  at 
the  old  village  of  Tutchararone,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Tahltan 
river. 

Of  pipes  two  varieties  are  found,  the  one  designed  for  ordi- 
nary use,  and  the  other  for  ceremonial  occasions  (Pis.  XV-XVII). 
The  former,  although  the  plainer,  and  in  shape  evidently  copied 
from  the  pipe  of  commerce,  is  the  more  characteristic.  When 


64  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

made  of  stone  it  is  rather  small  and  of  a  red  homogeneous  vol- 
canic rock  found  in  pockets  in  the  cliffs  overlooking  the  Stikine 
near  the  Tahltan.  I  have  seen  no  stone  pipes  that  were  orna- 
mentally carved,  but  on  account  of  the  material  of  which  they 
are  made  they  are  highly  prized.  The  everyday  pipe  of  wood 
is^of  very  different  shape,  having  an  extended  main  stem  in  one 
piece  with  the  bowl.  It  often  has  a  reclining  grotesque  figure 
resting  on  top  of  the  stem  near  the  bowl,  but  in  most  cases  this 
form  of  pipe  is  without  ornamentation.  The  bowl  of  every 
wooden  pipe  is  lined  with  metal,  often  a  section  of  musket  barrel 
extending  slightly  above  the  bowl.  The  stem  or  mouthpiece  is 
of  any  suitable  wood,  rudely  cut  and  often  consisting  of  the  sec- 
tion of  a  branch  of  pith  wood. 

The  feast  pipes,  used  at  the  death  feast  and  on  family  cere- 
monial occasions,  are  always  carved,  and  in  almost  every  instance 
represent  the  family  crest.  They  are  inlaid  with  haliotis  shell 
and  often  ornamented  with  copper  and  brass,  and  daubed  with 
red  ochre.  These  pipes  are  the  most  ornamental  specimens 
of  handiwork  of  the  Tahltan  men,  but  they  are  few'  in  num- 
ber, and,  although  cruder  both  in  conception  and  in  workman- 
ship, they  exhibit  a  striking  similarity  to  the  feast  pipes  of  the 
Tlingit. 

There  is  no  indication  that  the  Tahltan  ever  possessed  any 
intoxicant.  The  introduction  of  liquor  by  both  the  whites  and- 
the  coast  natives  has  proved  a  great  curse  to  them,  and  is  largely 
accountable  for  their  bodily  ills  and  decrease  in  numbers. 


HUNTING   AND  HUNTING   IMPLEMENTS 

From  environment  and  through  necessity  the  Tahltan  have 
always  been  trappers  and  hunters.  Food,  clothing,  implements, 
and  household  utensils  were  formerly  made  almost  entirely  from 
animal  products.  Before  the  acquisition  of  firearms  they  depended 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  65 

more  on  the  snare  and  the  deadfall  than  on  the  bow  and  the 
spear.  To-day  they  depend  on  the  rifle  to  supply  the  larder 
and  on  the  trap  to  furnish  the  valuable  peltries  of  the  smaller 
fur  bearing  animals. 

In  September  the  permanent  villages  are  rapidly  deserted, 
and  by  families  and  parties  the  people  set  out  for  the  hunting 
grounds,  where  camps  are  established  and  shifted  as  occasion 
demands.  Of  late  years  it  has  become  a  custom  with  many  to 
return  about  Christmas  for  a  short  season  of  meeting  and  feast- 
ing, then  again  to  go  out  for  the  late  winter  hunting.  But  in 
more  primitive  times  they  claim  to  have  followed  the  game  until 
spring.  Of  course  little  can  now  be  learned  of  the  life  of  this 
people  before  the  fur  trade  was  established  by  Europeans  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Up  to  that  period  hunting 
was  conducted  solely  for  the  purpose  of  providing  food  and  cloth- 
ing. There  was  no  inducement  to  accumulate  beyond  their  actual 
needs  except  for  the  limited  trade  with  their  neighbors.  It  seems 
very  likely  that  with  an  abundance  of  salmon  for  winter  con- 
sumption the  Tahltan  in  former  times  were  more  sedentary 
than  they  are  known  to  have  been  after  the  great  demand  for 
furs  made  itself  felt,  when  the  incentive  to  hunt  was  stimulated 
by  the  desire  for  European  products. 

The  implements  of  the  chase  were  few  in  number  and  simple 
in  construction,  consisting  of  bow  and  arrow,  spear,  and  knife. 
As  elsewhere  the  bow  was  discarded  as  soon  as  the  musket  made 
its  appearance,  while  blades  of  iron  superseded  those  of  stone 
and  bone.  I  failed  to  find  a  single  bow  or  arrow  of  aboriginal 
make,  although  barbs  and  blades  of  stone  are  of  common  occur- 
rence. The  following  descriptions  are  from  the  testimony  of 
older  people  and  from  models  made  by  them. 

The  oldest  and  best  bow  was  made  of  balsam,  although 
spruce  and  birch  were  also  used.  It  was  five  feet  or  more  in 
length,  and  was  not  backed  or  otherwise  artificially  strengthened 
except  in  its  manufacture  when  it  was  heated  and  rubbed  with 

5 


66  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

the  castorium  to  toughen  the  wood.  It  was  stout  in  body, 
rectangular  in  cross  section,  tapering  slightly  toward  each  end, 
and  rather  clumsy  in  its  proportions  owing  to  the  fact  that  it 
was  used  also  as  a  spear  at  close  quarters  for  dispatching  the 
wounded.  An  obsidian  blade  was  attached  to  one  end.  This 
blade  differed  from  the  arrowhead  only  in  its  greater  length  and 
the  proportionately  narrow  base  and  shallow  notches.  Horn  and 
latterly  iron  blades  were  also  used.  The  bowstring  was  of 
caribou  sinew,  which  was  twisted  when  wet  until  perfectly 
round;  it  was  sometimes  permanently  attached  to  the  bow  by 
weaving  it  through  a  tiny  hole  in  the  arm  beyond  the  notch, 
drawing  it  up  to  a  knot  in  the  end,  and  then  half-hitching  it 
around  the  notch. 

The  following  sketch  and  description  of  another  type  of 
bow  and  its  manner  of  construction  was  written  by  the  first 
accredited  missionary  to  theTahltan,  the  Reverend  Mr.  Palgrove, 
and  sent  to  me  by  Dr.  Ingles  of  Telegraph  creek  (see  cut  p.  67). 

1.  Wooden  bow. 

2.  Caribou  horn. 

3.  Sinew,  fastening  caribou  horn  to  bow. 

4.  Ends  of  bow  wound  around  with  split  porcupine  quills,  securing  ends 
of  the  thick  moose  skin,  which  is  also  attached  to  the  bow  by  quills. 

5.  numerous  porcupine  quills  used  in  the  fashion  of  tintacks. 

6.  Part  of  bow  grasped  by  the  hand,  where  consequently  the  skin  is 
not  tacked  on,  but  glued  on  with  spruce  gum. 

Bows  were  first  made  without  the  moose  skin  covering  (which  covered 
only  the  convex  outside  of  the  bow),  but  one  day  an  Indian's  bow  broke  while 
he  had  it  fully  drawn,  and  the  horn  flew  off,  together  with  the  broken  wood, 
striking  him  just  below  the  neck  and  piercing  him  to  the  backbone,  so  that 
he  fell  dead.  After  this  tragedy  the  Tahltan  always  safeguarded  their  horn 
knives  by  having  the  bow  covered  with  skin,  so  that  if  any  part  of  the  bow 
should  break  it  could  not  fly  off  and  do  damage. 

The  caribou  horn  was  fixed  to  the  top  end  of  the  bow,  and  when  an 
animal  which  had  been  shot  was  overtaken,  the  hunter  killed  it  by  prodding 
it  with  the  horn  knife,  holding  his  bow  like  a  spear. 

The  arrow  shaft  was  of  black  pine;  foreshafts  were  never 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


67 


used.  The  feathering  was  double,  of  hawk  or  owl  feathers  laid 
flat  on  opposite  sides  of  the  shaft  and  secured  at  each  end  with 
a  wrapping  of  sinew.  It  is  said  that  points  of  bone,  horn,  and 
ivory  were  used,  but  the  only  ones  found  were 
of  obsidian,  and  these  were  dug  from  old  village 
sites  or  found  in  the  vicinity  of  springs  that  had 
been  frequented  by  animals.  The  obsidian  was 
obtained  from  the  country  between  upper  Sti- 
kine  and  Iskoot  rivers,  where  it  abounds  The 
point  was  fitted  into  the  split  shaft  head,  se- 
cured with  a  seizing  of  sinew,  and  the  whole 
smoothed  over  with  a  dressing  of  spruce  gum 
applied  when  semi-liquified  by  heating.  For  big 
game,  especially  caribou,  the  barb  was  fitted  but 
not  seized  to  the  shaft,  so  that  when  it  penetrated 
the  animal  it  detached  itself  and  worked  its  way 
into  the  flesh,  finally  causing  death.  For  grouse, 
ptarmigan,  water  fowl,  rabbits  and  other  small 
game  the  wooden  shaft  was  expanded  to  a 
rounded  head  which  served  its  purpose  well. 

The  quiver  was  of  caribou  skin,  almost  cy- 
lindrical in  form,  ornamentally  fringed,  and 
painted  in  lines  or  smeared  with  red  ochre  or 
vermilion.  It  was  carried  over  the  back. 

The    bow  was   held    vertically   in   the   left 
hand,  the  thumb  extended  along  the  inner  side 
and  the  index  finger  over  the  arrow,  which  was 
steadied  in  place  between  the  index  and  middle 
fingers.     The  notch  of  the  arrow  was  grasped  with  the  straight- 
ened thumb   and   the  bent  forefinger,   assisted  by  the  middle 
finger  to  draw  the  string  back. 

The  spear,  used  both  as  an  implement  of  the  chase  and  in 
warfare,  consisted  of  an  obsidian  blade  much  like  the  bow  point, 
but  of  greater  length,  carefully  fitted  in  a  corresponding  cleft 
in  the  end  of  a  stout  wooden  handle  about  six  feet  long,  and  se- 


68  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

curely  lashed  with  hide.  Iron  blades  were  substituted  as  soon 
as  this  metal  was  introduced  by  the  whites.  A  type  of  the  latter, 
procured  in  trade  from  the  fur  companies,  was  very  broad,  double 
edged,  with  two  notches  at  the  base  around  which  the  lashing 
passed  holding  it  firmly  in  place.  Cases  for  protecting  the  blades 
were  of  wood,  split  in  halves,  hollowed  out  to  conform  to  the 
shape  of  the  blade,  and  grooved  horizontally  outside  for  the  pur- 
pose of  accommodating  the  seizing  of  hide. 

The  primitive  knife  used  equally  for  hunting  and  in  war  was 
of  obsidian,  differing  little  from  the  spear  blade.  It  was  hafted 
in  a  short  wooden  handle  split  into  halves  and  wrapped  with 
sinew  or  hide,  and  was  carried  suspended  around  the  neck  or 
attached  to  the  belt  in  a  wooden  case  similar  to  the  spear  case. 
The  obsidian  knife  was  superseded  by  the  iron  blade  which  was 
fitted  in  a  handle  of  horn,  bone,  or  wood.  The  iron  hunting 
knife  was  much  shorter  and  ruder  in  workmanship  than  the  war 
knife,  and  was  carried  in  a  case  of  wood  or  skin. 

The  flintlock  musket  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  was 
procured  by  the  Tahltan  from  the  coast  people,  in  exchange  for 
furs,  early  in  the  nineteenth  century.  The  percussion  cap 
musket  was  introduced  later,  but  this  in  turn  gave  place  to  the 
rifle,  and  to-day  no  people  have  more  approved  arms  than 
the  Tahltan. 

The  accompaniment  of  the  muzzle  loader  was  the  powder 


FIG.  16. — Powder  flask. 


horn  or  a  bag  (Fig.  16)  made  of  intestine  tied  about  a  hollow  bone 
nozzle,  a  shot  pouch  of   similar  shape,  and   an  open   mouthed 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  69 

oblong  bag  for  bullets,  all  of  which,  with  shredded  bark  for  wad- 
ding, were  carried  hanging  under  the  left  arm,  in  a  small  skin 
pouch  generally  ornamented  in  beadwork,  still  retained  as  an 
adjunct  of  the  ceremonial  dressX  The  powder  charger,  a.  hollow 
section  of  mountain  goat  or  caribou  horn  or  bone,  was  attached 
to  the  string  of  the  powder  horn  or  it  served  as  the  stopper  of  the 
shot  pouch.  Percussion  caps  were  carried  in  small  bone  tubes, 
but  for  convenience  circular  or  oblong  pieces  of  leather  were 
often  cut  on  one  edge  to  take  the  caps,  and  then  were  hung  to 
the  powder  horn  or  to  the  trigger  guard.  A  small  wire  pick 
for  cleaning  the  vent  or  nipple  was  similarly  carried.  With  the 
introduction  of  breech  loaders,  cartridge  belts  came  into  use. 

Each  animal  had  its  peculiar  economic  value  in  the  life  of 
the  people.  The  skins  of  all  were  utilized,  and  the  flesh  of  all  was 
eaten  save  that  of  the  wolf,  fox,  wolverene,  otter,  fisher,  marten, 
mink,  muskrat,  and  ermine,  and  even  these  were  used  as  food 
when  necessity  required.  But  the  caribou  has  always  had  first 
place  in  the  economic  life  of  the  Tahltan.  Its  flesh,  together 
with  that  of  the  moose  and  the  mountain  sheep,  was  the  most 
highly  esteemed.  Its  skin  was  the  most  valued  for  clothing  and 
for  sleeping  mats,  and  it  furnished  sinew  for  thread,  nets,  bow- 
strings, and  seizings.  From  the  horns  and  bones,  skin  dressing 
implements,  knives,  spoons,  hooks,  awls,  and  other  tools  as  well 
as  ornaments  were  fashioned.  Indeed  the  caribou  was  to  the 
Tahltan  what  the  buffalo  was  to  the  tribes  of  the  plains  and  the 
seal  to  the  Eskimo.  It  is  still  abundant,  and  attracts  sportsmen 
from  many  parts  of  the  world.  Its  habitat  is  the  uplands  to  the 
north  and  east  of  Dease  lake,  where  moss  is  most  plentiful. 

The  great  value  of  the  caribou  made  its  hunting  a  matter  of 
the  first  importance,  and  several  different  methods  were  em- 
ployed for  its  capture.  The  bow  and  arrow  were  not  very 
effectual  in  the  open  country,  hence  driving  and  snaring  were 
resorted  to  in  the  late  fall  and  winter  when  the  caribou  travelled 
in  herds. 


70  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.   UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

Frozen  lakes,  and  particularly  Dease  lake,  which  is  long  and 
narrow,  were  obstructed  at  favorite  points  of  crossing  with 
brush  barriers  connected  with  wide  mouthed  corrals  on  each 
shore.  These  obstructions  were  built  of  stakes  driven  in  the 
ground,  interlaced  with  branches,  and  terminating  in  long  narrow 
passages  into  which  the  frightened  animals  crowded,  with  no 
room  to  turn,  thus  falling  easy  prey  to  the  thrusts  of  the  spear  and 
the  knife  in  the  hands  of  the  hunters  concealed  on  each  side. 
Caribou  are  fond  of  the  open,  and  the  wall  of  brush  on  the  ice 
was  sufficient  to  turn  them  when  pursued  by  shouting  men  and 
barking  dogs. 

A  similar  form  of  game  barrier  consisted  of  fences  of  stakes 
and  boughs  built  across  low  divides  or  well  travelled  trails, 
with  frequent  narrow  openings  in  which  simple  noose  snares 
of  twisted  rawhide  were  set  and  which  caught  the  branching 
antlers  as  the  animals  attempted  to  pass.  When  a  herd  was 
located  nearby,  it  was  partly  surrounded  and  driven  toward 
the  ambuscade,  behind  which  the  hunters  with  bows  and  spears 
were  concealed.  Many  caribou  were  killed  by  this  means. 

When  snow  covered  the  ground  to  a  depth  of  two  feet  or 
more  caribou  were  hunted  systematically.  The  natives,  having 
found  a  herd  of  the  animals,  made  arrangements  to  drive  them 
to  some  point  at  a  distance,  generally  a  valley  or  a  pocket, 
where  the  snow  was  of  sufficient  depth  to  impede  their  move- 
ments, and  where  the  swiftest  runners  secreted  themselves. 
Others  were  stationed  on  each  side.  The  old  men  and  the 
boys  with  the  dogs  served  as  drivers,  and  with  their  cries  and 
the  beating  of  drums  started  the  herd  and  kept  it  moving. 
When  travelling  in  the  snow  the  caribou  follow  in  line,  the 
leader  breaking  the  trail  and  when  the  leader  tires  he  steps 
aside,  gives  place  to  the  next  in  succession,  and  falls  in  at  the 
rear.  When  the  animals  reached  the  deeper  snow  the  concealed 
hunters  rose  on  all  sides,  and  the  frightened  animals  broke  into 
confusion  and  were  easily  run  down  and  speared  by  the  swift- 
footed  runners  on  snowshoes. 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  71 

With  the  uniform  cold  of  winter,  meat  kept  indefinitely. 
The  portion  not  needed  for  immediate  use  was  cut  in  thin 
strips,  notched,  and  sundried  or  smoked  for  future  consumption, 
and  particularly  for  use  while  travelling.  In  early  days  the 
dressed  caribou  skin  was  the  most  valuable  article  of  exchange 
with  the  coast  people. 

The  primitive  methods  of  hunting  were  abandoned  on  the 
acquisition  of  the  rifle. 

The  history  of  the  occurrence  of  the  moose  in  this  section 
can  not  well  be  accounted  for.  It  is  believed  to  have  been  a 
habitant  of  all  this  region  in  early  days,  but  for  some  unex- 
plained reason  the  animal  entirely  disappeared  early  in  1800, 
to  make  its  appearance  again  in  1877,  when  several  were  killed 
in  the  Dease  country.  Since  then  they  have  steadily  increased 
in  numbers,  and  have  extended  their  range  along  the  Stikine 
to  below  Telegraph  creek.  They  are  most  abundant  in  the 
willow  country  toward  Teslin,  along  the  headwaters  of  the 
Tuya,  and  the  tributaries  of  the  Taku.  The  belief  prevails 
among  the  natives  that  the  return  of  the  moose  was  due  to  the 
coming  of  white  men,  as  this  occurred  soon  after  the  Cassiar 
gold  excitement.  Its  flesh  is  esteemed  equally  with  that  of  the 
caribou.  It  is  believed  to  exceed  the  Cook's  Inlet  moose  in 
size,  although  the  spread  of  its  horns  is  not  so  great. 

The  mountain  sheep,  the  most  graceful  of  the  species, 
is  still  found  in  abundance  on  the  mountains  across  from 
Telegraph  creek,  along  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Iskoot,  and 
about  the  Narlin,  Sheslay,  and  Teslin.  From  its  inaccessi- 
bility and  wariness  it  could  never  have  proved  a  great  source 
of  supply  with  such  primitive  arms  as  the  Tahltan  possessed. 
Its  flesh  is  the  most  delicate  of  all  the  animals  of  the  continent. 
Its  skin  makes  the  most  elastic  of  sleeping  mats,  and  the  horns 
after  being  softened  by  boiling,  are  cut,  shaped,  and  pressed 
into  dishes,  spoons,  knife  handles,  and  tools,  and  have  always 
been  greatly  in  demand  by  the  coast  tribes,  as  the  sheep  does 
not  approach  salt  water  except  at  Cook  Inlet,  Alaska.  The 


72  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

mountain  sheep  was  hunted  formerly  with  bow  and  arrow,  as  it 
is  to-day  with  the  rifle,  by  stalking.  In  spring  and  summer  it  is 
often  found  about  the  streams.  The  writer  remembers  a  sheep 
being  shot  just  above  the  river  bank  at  the  junction  of  the  Tahl- 
tan  with  the  Stikine  in  the  latter  part  of  June,  1906. 

The  mountain  goat  is  another  habitant  of  the  mountains;  it 
is  found  everywhere  in  this  region  and  is  common  also  on  the 
coast.  It  is  hunted  in  the  early  fall,  when  it  has  taken  on  an 
abundance  of  leaf  fat  between  the  skin  and  the  flesh,  which  is 
removed  in  mass,  melted  and  run  into  cakes.  The  skins  serve 
as  mats  and  rugs,  and  the  wool  is  rolled  and  twisted  into  cord 
that  is  netted  into  carrying  bags.  It  has  been  claimed  that  the 
Tahltan  formerly  wore  blankets  of  mountain  goat  wool,  but  I 
could  not  corroborate  this  by  the  testimony  of  any  living  mem- 
ber of  the  tribe,  and  there  is  no  evidence  of  such  use  in  any  sur- 
viving fabric.  Formerly  the  horns,  boiled  in  water  until  softened, 
were  cut,  shaped,  and  modeled  into  spoons;  they  were  used  also 
for  snowshoe  breaks,  for  knife,  awl,  and  other  tool  handles,  for 
powder  chargers,  and  the  like.  Goats  were  hunted  in  the  same 
manner  as  were  the  sheep. 

The  black  bear  and  the  grizzly  are  both  abundant  through- 
out the  mountainous  districts.  ^They  are  hunted  both  for  the 
flesh  and  the  pelt;  the  claws  are  worn  as  headdresses  and  as 
necklaces,  and  the  teeth  are  used  as  knife  sharpeners  and  worn 
as  charms.\  Bears  are  speared  or  shot  in  their  hibernating  holes, 
which  are  scented  by  the  dogs,  and  during  the  salmon  season 
they  are  killed  about  the  streams.  But  deadfalls  and  snares  are 
more  effectual.  The  former  are  constructed  of  heavy  tree  trunks 
weighted  with  others  and  baited  with  fish  or  meat;  the  'latter 
are  set  in  the  trails  and  attached  to  a  tossing  pole,  as  shown  in 
the  illustrations. 

The  clothing,  implements,  utensils,  and  ornaments  of  every 
primitive  hunting  or  fishing  people,  by  reason  of  their  constant 
and  intimate  contact  with  mammals  or  fish,  are  distinguished 
by  an  unmistakable  odor.  For  instance,  the  coast  people, 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


73 


together  with  their  houses  and  all  they  possess,  are  impregnated 
with  the  smoke  of  curing  fish;  everything  pertaining  to  the  life 
of  the  Esquimo  is  redolent  of  seal,  walrus,  and  whale  oil,  while 
everything  associated  with  the  Tahltan  gives  out  the  pungent 
odor  of  the  castoreunv>C 

The  beaver  was  formerly  very  abundant  along  the  lower 
Stikine,  in  the  country  of  sluggish  streams  and  about  the  smaller 
lakes;  but  with  the  advent  of  European  trading  vessels  and  the 
establishment  of  posts  by  the  Husdon's  Bay  Company  along 
the  northwest  coast,  the  demand  for  beaver  fur  so  increased 
that  it  was  pursued  unremittingly  until  the  extinction  of  the 
animal  seemed  imminent.  Besides  the  marketable  value  of 
the  fur  and  the  delicacy  of  the  flesh,  the  castoreum  was  used 
for  baiting  traps,  as  it  seemed  to  attract  all  animals  equally.  It 
was  carried  by  the  hunter  in  a  horn,  bone,  or  wooden  box  (Fig.  17), 
toggled  to  the  belt,  and 
was  smeared  over  the 
bait  or  diluted  and  scat- 
tered over  the  adjacent 
ground.  The  cylindrical 
box  was  more  often  of 
caribou  horn,  plugged 
with  wood  at  the  bottom, 
and  fitted  with  a  wooden 
stopper  attached  with  a 
slack  hide  string  to  the 
toggle  so  that  it  was  not 
subjected  to  strain  as  the 
box  hung  from  the  belt. 
I  found  one  very  remark- 
able specimen  of  a  casto- 
reum case,  made  of  a  sec- 
tion of  bamboo  that  must 

have  been  procured  from  the  coast  early  in  trade.  Drifts  of 
cocoanut,  bamboo,  and  other  Oriental  woods  are  not  infre- 


FIG.  17. — Castoreum  boxes.     A:  made  of  horn.     B: 
made  of  bamboo. 


74  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.   MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

. 

quently  found  on  the  seaward  shores  of  the  Queen  Charlotte 
Islands,  brought  thither  by  the  Japan  current. 

The  beaver  was  hunted  with  arrow  and  spear,  and  trapped 
with  the  deadfall  in  the  milder  seasons,  but  was  not  pursued 
during  the  summer  months.  When  the  lakes  were  well  frozen, 
netting  was  resorted  to  with  great  success.  The  beaver  net  is 
of  babiche,  about  twelve  feet  in  length,  stretching  to  half  of 
that  in  depth,  with  six-inch  meshes.  It  is  square  at  one  end 
and  pointed  at  the  other.  A  draw  string  passes  around  through 
the  outer  meshes,  which,  when  pulled,  bring  the  net  together  at 
the  apex. 

The  net  is  set  through  a  hole  in  the  ice  across  the  accustomed 
path  of  the  animal  from  his  lodge.  The  pointed  end  with  its 
bone  attachment  is  made  fast  to  a  stake  driven  in  the  ground, 
and  the  draw  string  is  attached  to  a  bent  sapling  to  which  is 
hung  a  rattle  consisting  of  three  or  four  sections  of  caribou 
or  moose  hoof,  which  sounds  upon  the  slightest  disturbance  of  the 
net  (Fig.  18).  The  hunter  now  breaks  into  the  beaver's  house,  and 


FIG.  18. — Rattles  for  beaver  net  made  of  animal  hoofs. 

the  fleeing  animal  becomes  entangled  in  the  meshes  of  the  net, 
causing  the  rattle  to  sound.  The  draw  strings  are  quickly  hauled 
in  and  the  game  dispatched  with  a  short  handled,  iron  barbed 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


75 


spear.  The  primitive  barb  was  made  of  caribou  horn  or  of  bone. 
Sometimes  the  net,  rubbed  with  castoreum,  is  set  in  clear  water 
in  a  narrow  passageway  frequented  by  the  beaver,  which  is 
caught  at  night.  The  hunter,  sleeping  on  the  bank  with  the 
draw  string  attached  to  his  wrist,  is  awakened  by  the  pull  of  the 
struggling  animal  in  the  net.  To-day  steel  traps  have  taken  the 
place  of  all  other  devices,  and  water  in  which  the  castoreum  has 
stood  is  sprinkled  about  to  attract  the  animal. 

The  land  otter  is  not  so  abundant  in  the  Tahltan  country 


FIG.  19. — Deadfall  for  marten. 


as  on  the  coast,  and  it  is  regarded  with  much  superstition  by 
the  people  generally.  Its  spirit  is  considered  to  be  the  property 
of  the  shaman  and  in  early  days  the  animal  was  not  molested; 


76 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 


but  after  the  great  demand  for  furs  took  possession  of  the  whole 
country,  this  feeling  was  overcome.  The  otter  is  now  shot,  and 
also  taken  in  deadfalls,  but  its  flesh  is  never  eaten. 

The  marten  is  very  abundant  throughout  the  lower  wood- 
land country  and  in  the  vicinity  of  water.  It  has  always  been 
esteemed  for  its  rich,  soft  fur,  which  makes  the  most  valuable 
blankets  and  robes,  and  is  always  marketable.  It  is  taken  in 
several  varieties  of  deadfall  baited  with  fish  (Fig.  19).  Its  flesh 
is  not  eaten. 

The  mink  and  the  weasel  are  trapped  like  the  marten.  More 
or  less  superstition  attaches  to  both  of  these  animals,  and  partic- 
ularly to  the  latter,  the  skins  of  which  are  i  worn  by  the  shaman 
in  his  incantations.  The  flesh  of  neither  is  considered  edible. 

In  primitive  days  the  marmot,  next  to  the  caribou,  was 
possibly  the  most  important  animal  found  here,  from  an  eco- 
nomic point  of  view.  Its  great  abundance  and  the  ease  with 
which  it  was  captured  insured  a  supply  of  nutritious  food  for 
the  winter.  As  soon  as  the  salmon  season  was  over,  the  people 
went  to  the  mountains  and  hunted  this  animal  until  it  hibcr- 


FIG.  20. — Deadfall  for  bear,  fox,  wolf,  land  otter,  marmot,  etc. 

nated.  It  was  taken  with  a  snare  set  in  front  of  its  hole.  The 
body  was  split  and  dried  or  smoked  and  packed  away  for  the 
season  of  want.  The  skin  was  cleaned,  dressed  on  the  underside, 
and  used  for  making  blankets,  robes,  caps,  and  heavy  winter 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  77 

shoes.     The  blankets  were  an  important  medium  of  trade  with 
the  coast  people. 

Wolves  are  said  to  be  more  abundant  to-day  than  in  the 
past;  they  were  formerly  taken  in  deadfalls  (Fig.  20)  but  now 
are  little  sought. 

Foxes  are  the  most  valuable  of  the  fur  bearing  animals  of 
the  country.  The  species  that  produces  the  black,  silver,  cross, 
and  red,  is  very  abundant,  and  the  great  value  of  the  skins  of  the 
black  and  silver  varieties  makes  their  hunting  very  profitable. 
Foxes  were  formerly  taken  by  the  deadfall,  but  this  device  has 
been  superseded  by  the  steel  trap. 

The  lynx  is  found  wherever  rabbits  are  plentiful,  and  has 
always  been  sought  by  the  Tahltan.  Its  skin  is  very  desirable 
for  making  winter  robes,  and  its  flesh  is  eaten.  It  is  snared  by 
means  of  the  tossing  pole  set  at  the  entrance  of  a  corral  of 
small  sticks,  at  the  lower  end  of  which  is  placed  a  rabbit  skin 
smeared  with  castoreum.  Another  form  of  snare  is  secured  to 
a  sapling  trunk  several  feet  long,  with  noose  set  in  the  rabbit 
trail,  so  that  when  the  animal  springs  the  snare  the  pole  catches 
in  the  small  wood,  and  in  the  struggle  that  ensues  the  animal  is 
strangled.  A  peculiar  tradition  is  current  with  all  the  interior 
people,  and  has  even  found  its  way  to  the  island  inhabitants 
of  the  coast,  that  in  early  days  the  lynx  had  relations  with 
woman,  consequently  there  are  certain  regulations  regarding  its 
treatment  and  the  consumption  of  various  parts  of  its  body. 

Rabbits  are  found  everywhere,  and  can  be  had  in  winter 
and  spring  when  other  food  supplies  fail.  They  are  still  taken 
with  the  hide  or  sinew  noose  and  the  tossing  pole,  set  in  the 
runways  as  in  the  past.  The  flesh  is  eaten,  and  the  skins  are 
used  for  making  shirts,  robes,  caps,  and  particularly  for  baby 
blankets. 

The  ground  squirrel  is  snared  and  the  skins  made  into 
blankets  which  are  very  light  and  durable.  The  flesh  of  the 
porcupine  is  highly  esteemed;  the  animal  can  be  had  at  any 
time,  and  is  simply  hunted  with  a  dog  and  struck  over  the  head 
with  a  stick. 


78 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 


Ptarmigan  and  grouse  are  snared,  and  are  also  shot  with 
the  blunt  headed  arrow. 

As  previously  stated,  before  the  introduction  of  firearms 
the  capture  of  animals  for  food  and  clothing  depended  much 
more  on  trapping  than  on  the  efficiency  of  the  arrow  or  the 
spear.  The  ingenuity  of  the  Indian  was  taxed  to  the  utmost 
to  devise  practical  means  to  this  end,  inventing  various  forms 
of  snares  and  traps.  The  former  seem  to  have  found  more 


^^ 

FIG.  2ia. — Snare  for  rabbits. 

favor,  as  might  be  expected  in  a  land  covered  with  snow  during 
a  large  part  of  the  year,  and  particularly  when  the  fish  and 
berry  supplies  were  cut  off  and  when  the  furs  were  in  prime  con- 
dition. 

The   snare   for  the  larger  animals   consists   of   a    rope   of 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN    INDIANS.  79 

twisted  rawhide  fitted  with  an  eye  at  one  or  at  each  end,  and 
secured  at  one  end  to  a  stake  or  a  tree  trunk,  or  to  the  tossing 
pole  in  the  form  of  a  stout  tree  trunk  nicely  balanced.  The 
noose  in  the  other  end  opens  out  over  the  trail,  or  an  opening 
in  the  fence,  and  slipping  over  the  animal's  head,  strangles  it 
in  its  efforts  to  escape.  For  smaller  animals  the  snare  is  of 
hide,  or  of  twisted  sinew  or  tree  fiber,  fitted  with  a  wooden  toggle 
about  a  third  of  its  length  from  the  noose  end.  The  stand- 
ing part  is  permanently  secured  to  a  sapling,  bent  over,  or 
to  a  section  of  tree  trunk  balanced  with  the  weight  at  the  lower 


FIG.  2ib. — Trigger  for  snare  shown  in  figure  2ia 

end.  By  means  of  the  toggle  the  strain  of  the  sapling  or  tree- 
trunk  is  held  until  a  slight  disturbance  of  the  noose  releases 
the  toggle  when  the  sapling  springs  back  into  place  or  the  trunk 
falls  and  the  struggling  animal  is  lifted  and  strangled  (Fig.  21). 
The  second  type  of  trap  consists  of  a  deadfall  formed  of  a 
log  or  logs,  weighted  or  not  according  to  the  size  of  the  animal 
to  be  taken,  and  hung  by  means  of  a  simple  trigger  held  by  a 
light  rod  which  the  animal  springs  by  stepping  upon  or  attempt- 
ing to  remove  the  bait  rendered  more  attractive  by  smearing 
with  castoreum. 


80  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

SKIN-DRESSING 

The  tanning  and  dressing  of  hides  and  skins  forms  an  in- 
dustry in  which  the  Tahltan  women  excel.  It  was  their  most 
important  work  in  primitive  times,  for  upon  it  the  people  de- 
pended for  clothing,  bags,  babiche  for  snowshoes,  nets,  snares, 
rope,  and  cordage.  The  sale  of  tanned  skins  and  babiche  to  the 
trading  posts  still  constitutes  a  considerable  item  in  the  support 
of  the  household.  /\ 

The  hides  of  caribou,  moose,  mountain  sheep,  and  mountain 
goat  are  tanned  for  clothing,  while  the  skins  of  the  smaller 
fur  bearing  animals,  as  the  lynx,  fox,  marten,  mink,  marmot, 
squirrel,  and  rabbit,  are  dressed  for  blankets,  robes,  and  head 
gear.  Practically  the  same  methods  of  treatment  are  employed 
to-day  as  in  the  past,  and  while  an  occasional  iron  tool  may  be 
found  in  use,  implements  of  bone  and  stone,  aboriginal  in  form 
and  workmanship,  are  preferred. 

The  same  methods  are  employed  and  the  same  tools  are 
used  in  the  treatment  of  caribou  hide,  moose  hide,  sheepskin,  and 
goatskin;  the  latter  two,  however,  are  seldom  tanned,  but  are 
superficially  cleaned  on  the  under  side  to  serve  for  bedding  and 
mats.  Caribou  and  moose  skins  are  utilized  for  clothing,  the 
latter  for  the  heaviest  winter  wear,  for  moccasins,  and  for  the 
armored  coat  described  on  page  116. 

The  primitive  skinning  knife  was  of  horn,  or  more  often 
of  a  section  of  the  rib  or  tibia  of  one  of  the  larger  animals  sharp- 
ened at  one  end,  and  generally  having  a  hole  in  the  other  end 
through  which  passed  a  string  of  hide  for  the  purpose  of  sus- 


FIG.  22. — Bone  skining  knife. 

pending  it  around  the  neck  or  to  hang  it  to  the  house  post  (Figs. 
22,  23).     It  is  one  of  the  few  Tahltan  implements  that  generally 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


81 


show  a  rude  attempt  at  ornamentation  in  etched  lines  and  geo- 
metric figures,  rarely  in  animal  forms,  brought  out  more  distinctly 
by  filling  the  incisions  with  red  ochre. 

The  skin  is  first  cleaned  of  all  particles  of  adhering  flesh 
by  hanging  it  over  an  upright  post  standing  about  three  feet 
out  of  the  ground,  and  scraping  it  with  a  hand  fleshing  bone,  the 
tibia  of  the  caribou  or  of  the  moose,  but  better  still  of  the  grizzly 
bear  (Fig.  24,  A,  B) .  The  scraping  edge  at  the  end  is  generally  ser- 
rated. The  skin  to  be  tanned,  if  green,  is  moistened  and  rolled  up 


FlG.  23. — Bone  skinning  knives. 

and  allowed  to  remain  for  several  days;  or  if  an  old  skin  it  is 
moistened  and  rolled  up,  by  which  means  the  hair  is  loosened. 
It  is  then  moistened  again  and  placed  over  a  section  of  sapling 
or  half  rounded  tree  trunk  inclined  at  an  angle  of  forty-five  de- 
grees and  the  hair  removed  with  a  bone  shaving  implement  con- 
sisting of  the  tibia  of  the  caribou,  sharpened  along  the  lower 
edge  and  used  in  both  hands.  This  tool  (Fig.  24,  C,  D)  is  prac- 
tically a  natural  product,  showing  no  attempt  at  workmanship 


82 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM.    VOL.    III. 


beyond  the  cutting  edge,  but  it  serves  its  purpose  perfectly,  and 
is  much  more  popular  than  the  bent  iron  blade  in  single  or  double 
form  sometimes  seen. 

The  skin  is  next  dried  in  the  shade  and  then  soaked  in 
water  with  the  brain  of  the  animal  for  one  night,  when  it  is 
taken  out  and  washed.  This  process  is  repeated  several  times. 
Slits  are  cut  close  to  the  edges,  around  the  entire  skin,  through 
which  passes  the  line  that  stretches  it  on  the  dressing  frame. 


:2*-7>7-,4~;'v*-:>;  V'.v  '"    "" -lvV'(^''1-:--Tr»y: „ 

*8>  *l   ~~  '"'••'^••^•^  ^- '"• " J" '''^^•'^Sj'^^^^^^T^-i-vr^Ti^i-^v^^^'-Vv^v^^^-rB 

:^[^f''f. — ??'iVVv.''Al;"v-'-'"'I  "••';"  ":v"-'  y ">««>»'    '  w-«*»..*.s..l:l"l-»«.. ."'!'! ••••-": *? 


FIG.  24. — Bone  fleshing  and  scraping  implements  used  in  dressing  caribou  and  moose  skins. 

Before  the  introduction  of  iron  these  slits  were  made  with  sharp 
flakes  of  obsidian.  The  skin  is  now  moistened,  and,  to  soften  it, 
rubbed  with  the  brain  or  the  liver  boiled  hard  and  reduced  to  meal. 
Sometimes  a  soft  white  clay  procured  in  trade  from  Atlin  is  used 
in  place  of  this  preparation.  The  inner  cuticle  of  the  skin  is  now 
scraped  off  with  the  heavy  chisel-like  fleshing  implement  made 
from  a  leg  bone  of  a  bear,  moose,  or  caribou,  the  blade  of  which 
is  serrated  to  insure  a  better  hold  on  the  skin.  This  is  the 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  83 

most  laborious  work,  and  the  most  necessary  to  insure  the  best 
results. 

After  drying,  the  skin  is  next  treated  with  a  stone  dressing 
implement,  and  rubbed  and  softened  first  on  the  flesh  side, 
then  on  the  hair  side.  This  rough  stone  consists  of  the  split  half 
of  an  oblong,  flattened,  small  boulder  or  pebble  of  a  character 
that  can  be  picked  up  almost  anywhere  on  the  trail.  The 
rounded  working  edge,  if  too  sharp,  is  blunted  to  prevent  it  from 
cutting  or  tearing,  for  the  use  of  this  implement  is  simply  for 
the  purpose  of  softening  the  skin  by  rubbing  and  pressure.  It 
may  be  necessary  to  chip  the  edges  slightly  to  produce  the 
desired  shape,  for  in  use  it  is  inserted  in  the  split  end  of  a  stick 
about  four  feet  in  length,  and  secured  in  place  with  a  temporary 
hide  lashing,  as  the  handle  is  not  carried  from  place  to  place 
although  the  stone  blade  is  retained.  Hand  dressing  stones,  not 
hafted,  used  in  the  treatment  of  smaller  skins,  are  of  the  same 
general  character,  but  oval  or  circular  in  form  because  more 
convenient  to  grasp.  Such  implements  are  of  very  simple  con- 
struction. A  pebble  of  the  desired  size  and  shape  being  selected, 
it  is  placed  on  end  and  struck  with  a  heavier  pebble  which  causes 
it  to  split  in  halves  along  the  natural  line  of  cleavage  of  the 
broader  faces,  thus  furnishing  one  or  two  suitable  pieces  that 
need  only  a  few  strokes  of  the  chipping  stone  to  bring  them  to 
shape.  Of  all  implements  these  dressing  stones  are  the  most 
frequently  met,  as  they  are  readily  procured  and  are  in  constant 
use.  Smaller  ones  are  sometimes  carried  in  small  skin  cases  in 
the  woman's  workbag. 

The  skin  is  worked  again  and  again,  moistened  alternately, 
rubbed  with  brain,  and  dried  until  it  is  as  soft  and  pliable  as 
a  piece  of  cloth;  then  it  is  allowed  to  dry  finally,  after  which  it  is 
removed  from  the  stretching  frame  and  folded. 

If  the  skin  is  to  be  smoked,  it  is  stitched  together  lengthwise, 
like  a  bag,  and  fitted  over  a  light  willow  frame  of  saplings  stuck  in 
the  ground  around  a  circular  depression,  the  tops  being  bent 


84  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

over  and  seized  to  one  another.  A  fire  kindled  in  the  hollow 
beneath  is  later  covered  with  decayed  spruce  and  black  pine 
cones  that  smoulder  and  produce  a  smudge,  gradually  changing 
the  white  skin  to  a  rich  brown. 

Skins  of  the  smaller  fur  bearing  animals,  which  are  used 
for  making  shirts,  blankets,  and  robes,  require  little  labor  in 
dressing,  if  the  animals  are  killed  in  season,  and  the  skin  is 
carefully  removed ;  for  except  in  the  case  of  the  marmot  they  are 
very  thin,  and  need  only  to  be  cleaned,  washed,  and  softened, 
with  the  least  possible  work.  The  process  of  scraping  is  per- 
formed with  the  flat  bone  skinning  knife,  which  for  this  purpose 
is  notched  along  the  working  edge,  while  the  softening  is  done 
with  the  hand  dressing  stone  already  described. 

At  Tahltan  and  at  the  principal  winter  camps,  permanent 
dressing  frames  for  the  treatment  of  moose  and  caribou  skins 
are  erected.  They  consist  of  two  stout  uprights,  firmly  planted 
in  the  ground  (A A),  each  of  which  is  supported  by  two  braces 
(BB),  and  a  horizontal  bar  that  rests  in  the  crotch  of  the  braces 
against  the  upright  (C),  where  all  are  secured  together  by  a  stout 
lashing.  Near  the  ground  another  cross-bar  (D)  is  lashed  to  the 
uprights.  To  accommodate  the  frame  to  a  skin  of  any  size  a 
horizontal  bar  (E),  suspended  by  two  ropes  from  the  upper  bar, 
can  be  raised  or  lowered  to  any  height.  A  perpendicular  pole 
(K),  adjustable  laterally  to  any  distance  desired  is  lashed  to  the 
movable  and  the  lower  horizontal  bars  (See  Fig.  2,  p.  33). 

Babiche,  which  serves  for  snowshoe  netting,  bags,  beaver 
and  fish  nets,  cordage,  and  thong,  is  made  from  caribou  skin, 
dehaired,  cleaned,  and  cut  when  wet  in  sizes  according  to  its 
use.  A  strip  is  cut  around  the  inner  circumference  of  the 
skin  in  a  continuous  length,  which  is  tied  in  a  bundle  and  stored 
for  use.  At  the  present  time  a  small  straight-bladed  steel 
knife  is  employed,  but  before  the  introduction  of  iron  an  obsidian 
chip  or  knife  was  used. 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  85 

FISH  AND  FISHING 

After  the  spring  hunting  the  people  return  to  the  perma- 
nent villages,  as  the  animals  are  with  young  and  in  poor  con- 
dition, and  their  pelts  valueless.  Then  follows  a  period  of  rest 
and  relaxation  after  the  long,  severe  winter  season,  when  the 
temperature  frequently  registers  -50°  F. 

In  this  inland  country  spring  breaks  while  the  coast,  with 
its  comparatively  mild  climate,  is  still  enveloped  in  snow. 
This  difference  is  most  noticeable  in  coming  from  Wrangel 
by  the  Stikine  as  late  as  June.  When  the  flats  of  the  lower 
river  valley  are  buried  beneath  two  or  more  feet  of  snow  and 
the  chill  of  winter  is  in  the  air,  the  land  beyond  the  canon  is 
taking  on  a  shade  of  green,  the  air  is  soft  and  fragrant  with 
the  awakening  of  spring,  which  gets  into  the  blood  of  the  people 
and  drives  them  out  of  their  houses  to  the  fishing  grounds  to 
await  the  coming  of  the  salmon. 

Five  varieties  of  salmon  come  in  from  the  sea  and  ascend 
the  river  to  spawn  during  the  summer.  The  first  to  appear,  in 
June,  is  the  king  salmon,  the  largest  and  the  most  esteemed  for 
cooking  while  fresh;  and  this  is  followed  in  succession  by  the  small 
silver  salmon,  generally  known  as  the  sockeye;  the  humpback; 
the  dog  salmon,  and  the  coho,  besides  several  varieties  of  trout. 
Of  these  the  sockeye  is  the  main  source  of  supply,  from  its 
greater  abundance,  and  being  a  dry  fish  it  cures  readily.  All 
varieties,  however,  are  taken  and  eaten  fresh,  and  greatly  enjoyed 
after  the  winter  diet  of  meat.  In  the  days  of  primitive  arms 
and  appliances,  when  animals  were  more  difficult  to  secure,, 
the  Tahltan  were  probably  much  more  dependent  on  fish  as  a 
staple,  as  the  supply  never  wholly  failed,  and  fish  were  more 
easily  captured  than  mammals.  In  the  vicinity  of  old  living 
and  fishing  places  there  may  still  be  seen  cache  pits  of  consider- 
able size  where  the  catch  was  preserved  for  winter  use.  These 
caches  were  square  pits  of  fair  size,  floored  and  lined  with  small 
saplings.  After  the  fish  were  packed  away,  a  covering  of  saplings 


86  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

and  bark  was  laid  over,  on  top  of  which  were  placed  tree  trunks, 
and  all  was  concealed  beneath  an  upper  layer  of  earth  and 
leaves,  so  that  in  event  of  a  raid  by  hostile  people  and  the  de- 
struction of  the  village,  this  source  of  supply  would  escape 
detection.  The  earth  covering  was  also  a  protection  against 
forest  fires  that  have  devastated  this  interior  country  from  time 
to  time.  To-day  the  Tahltan  eat  fresh  salmon  throughout  the 
summer  season.  They  dry  and  smoke  a  certain  amount,  but  the 
latter  is  traded  and  used  as  dog  food  rather  than  for  their  own 
consumption. 

The  Stikine  river  and  its  tributaries  are  swift  streams, 
rushing  through  deep  gorges  with  precipitous  walls  and  offering 
few  vantage  grounds  for  fishing.  When  such  occur,  however, 
summer  huts  of  sapling,  roofed  with  bark  and  branches  are  built 
and  these  serve  likewise  for  smokehouses.  In  streams  of  such 
swiftness  as  these,  fences  and  traps  are  impossible,  and  in  muddy 
water  the  spear  is  equally  useless,  therefore  the  gaff  hook  is 
to-day  the  main  implement  for  fishing.  This  implement  is 
similar  to  that  used  by  the  more  southerly  Tlingit,  and  consists 
of  a  pole  armed  with  a  sharp  pointed  detachable  iron  hook,  which, 
by  means  of  a  couple  of  feet  of  hide  line,  is  permanently  attached 
to  the  fifteen  foot  shaft.  When  the  fish  is  struck  the  hook 
detaches  itself  and  remains  attached  to  the  pole  only  by  the  line. 
I  believe  that  before  the  introduction  of  iron  a  similar  hook  was 
fashioned  from  caribou  horn. 

Formerly  gill  nets  of  twisted  sinew  and  babiche  were  used 
for  catching  small  fish  in  the  lakes.  Scoop  nets  of  the  same 
materials  were  used.  The  smaller  streams  were  fenced  for 
fishing,  and  long  slit  baskets  with  narrow  conical  mouths  were 
placed  at  openings  left  for  the  purpose.  The  fish  in  their  upward 
passage  entered  these  baskets  and  were  thus  confined.  At  one 
point  in  the  main  river  known  as  Ge-kah-ne-gah,  where  the  water 
flows  through  a  narrow  and  shallow  passage,  cylindrical  rod 
baskets  each  with  an  inverted  cone  within  the  mouth  were 
weighted  down,  and  when  filled  were  lifted  and  emptied.  In 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  87 

the  lakes  several  varieties  of  fish  were  taken,  the  most  esteemed 
of  which  were  whitefish  and  trout. 

Spears  of  several  varieties  were  formerly  employed  in  fishing 
at  different  seasons.  A  salmon  spear  of  primitive  type  was 
described  to  me  by  the  Tahltan,  but  no  example  of  it  could  be 
found.  It  consisted  of  a  blade  made  of  mountain  goat  horn, 
about  three  inches  in  length,  pointed  at  both  ends,  and  sharpened 
along  one  edge.  A  line  of  twisted  sinew  or  hide  passed  through 
a  hole  about  the  center  and  was  secured  to  a  twelve-foot  shaft 
near  the  head.  One  end  of  the  toggle-like  blade  fitted  in  a 
socket  in  the  end  of  the  shaft,  and  in  use,  .when  the  blade  was 
driven  into  a  fish,  it  was  released  from  the  end  of  the  pole,  and 
the  strain  on  the  line  tended  to  turn  the  blade  at  an  angle  and 
prevent  its  withdrawal. 

A  type  of  spear  for  lake  fishing  through  the  ice  is  common  to 
the  entire  country  back  of  the  coast  range,  and  has  been  adopted 
by  the  Chilkat.  It  consists  of  a  fifteen  foot  pole,  to  the  end  of 
which  is  lashed  two  short  arms  of  tough  wood  or  horn.  At  the 
end  of  each  arm  is  a  barb  of  horn,  latterly  of  iron,  lashed  with 
sinew  or  hide,  and  a  sharp  pointed  bone  projects  from  the  shaft- 
end,  almost  meeting  the  barb  points.  The  fisher  stands  over 
a  hole  in  the  ice,  through  which  a  bait  of  salmon  eggs  has  been 
lowered,  and  as  the  fish  comes  directly  beneath,  it  is  speared. 
These  holes  in  the  ice  are  made  with  a  pointed  section  of  caribou 
horn,  one  old  specimen  of  which  was  fortunately  found  in  an 
old  fishing  house  on  Tahltan  river. 

The  salmon  is  split  and  cleaned,  the  head  cut  off,  the  back- 
bone removed,  and  the  flesh  scored  and  sundried  for  a  day  or 
two,  and  then  hung  on  drying  frames  over  a  slow  fire  of  willow 
or  cottonwood  in  th?  curing  houses.  These  frames  are  built 
in  two  or  three  tiers.  The  fresher  fish  are  placed  nearer  the  fire, 
and  after  a  day  or  so  they  are  placed  on  the  tier  next  above  until 
thoroughly  cured,  when  they  are  tied  up  in  bundles  and  stored 
in  the  caches  or  small  storehouses  for  winter  use. 

Trout   of   several   varieties,    including   the   Dolly  Varden, 


88  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.   UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

cutthroat,  rainbow,  and  lake  trout,  are  taken  with  a  gaff 
hook  similar  to  the  one  for  salmon  described  above  but  of 
smaller  size.  They  are  also  caught  in  traps,  baskets,  and  nets, 
and  with  a  rude  wooden  hook  barbed  with  wood,  bone,  or  metal, 
baited  with  salmon  eggs  or  meat. 

Large  fish,  when  caught,  are  killed  with  a  small  wooden 
club  consisting  merely  of  a  section  of  sapling,  free  from  any 
attempt  at  ornamentation. 


GAMBLING 

With  that  tendency  toward  adoption  that  characterized 
the  Nahane,  the  Tahltan  have  sacrificed  all  their  own  games 
of  chance  in  favor  of  modern  cards.  Gamrjing  implements  of 
the  past  were  found  among  the  rubbish  of  the  cache  houses,  at 
the  bottoms  of  old  chests,  and  in  the  forgotten  debris  of  the  dwel- 
lings. More  difficult  still  was  it  to  obtain  accurate  particulars 
concerning  the  games  themselves,  for  the  men  of  the  present  gen- 
eration in  their  desire  to  be  considered  as  the  white  man  dis- 
claim any  knowledge  of  the  past£  while  the  memory  of  the  older 
people  is  not  always  dependable,  although  only  the  native  games 
were  known  prior  to  the  Cassiar  gold  excitement  of  1874,  which 
event  strongly  marks  the  past  from  the  present. 

-AThree  different  sets  of  implements  were  employed  in  gam- 
bling, all  of  which  are  common  to  the  whole  northwest  coast,  and 
two  of  them  to  an  extended  area  of  the  interior,  hence  it  is  rea- 
sonably certain  that  none  of  them  originated  with  the  Tahltan. > 
^The  game  of  tse-teh-lee  was  played  with  a  number  of  small, 
rounded,  marked  sticks,  of  the  finer  grained  woods  of  the  country, 
as  maple,  birch,  ash,  and  sometimes  spruce  or  willow,  neatly 
fashioned  to  a  definite  size,  smoothed  with  the  native  "sand- 
paper" of  equisetum  stalks,  and  painted  in  red  and  black  en- 
circling lines  and  bands  of  different  widths  variously  placed/ 
These  markings  determine  the  values  and  the  names  of  the 
sticks.  *  The  value  is  fixed,  and  is  represented  by  one  character 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


89 


in  each  color  on  two  sticks  of  a  set,  which  are  named 
eh-kah,  "feet."  These  might  be  designated  trumps  as  they 
are  the  winning  sticks  in  the  play.  All  the  other  marked 
sticks  are  termed  tchar,  "painted.^  In  value  they  are  equal  to 
the  plain  ones,  of  which  there  are  generally  a  few  in  each  set. 
The  painted  lines  and  bands  (Figs.  25-28),  which  in  a  number 


FIG.  25. — Gambling  sticks. 

of  sets  show  only  slight  differences,  give  to  each  stick  its  name, 
but  this  does  not  affect  its  value  in  the  play.  These  names 
are  purely  individual,  given  at  the  will  of  the  owner,  and 


90  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

are  those  of  animals,  parts  of  the  body,  and  natural  objects. 
While  some  marks  are  generally  recognized  by  the  same  name, 
they  follow  no  fixed  rule,  and  this  makes  it  impossible  to  identify 
them  except  through  the  one  who  has  used  them.  In  almost 
every  set  a  few  of  the  sticks  are  painted  in  picture  designs,  in 
red  and  black,  entirely  distinct  from  the  encircling  lines,  which 
affect  neither  the  value  nor  the  name.  These  characters  are 
entirely  decorative  and  represent  graphically  or  symbolically 
some  animal  form  or  natural  object  intimately  associated  with 
the  life  of  the  people  (PI.  XIX).  /While  these  crude  drawings 
sometimes  rudely  depict  the  object,  generally  they  are  in  simple 
lines,  sketchy  and  without  apparent  meaning;  but  to  the  older 
people  they  seem  to  convey  distinct  impressions,  suggesting  the 
existence  of  a  system  of  picture  writing  in  the  past,  which  the 
Nahane  are  said  to  have  practised.  The  sticks  are  slender, 
and  the  ends  are  squared  or  bluntly  rounded.  Those  that  have 
been  used  for  a  great  length  of  time  have  received  a  fair  polish, 
but  all  are  well  finished. 

The  gaming  sticks  are  in  double  sets,  each  numbering  from 
eighteen  to  more  than  thirty.  Each  set  is  carried  in  a  cylindrical 
pocket  in  either  end  of  a  caribou  skin  band  that  serves  as  a 
carrying  strap  for  the  hand  or  to  throw  over  the  shoulder.  The 
bags  are  generally  trimmed  with  a  strip  of  colored  cloth  and 
edged  with  beads,  and  in  some  instances  are  decorated  with 
dentalium  and  tufts  of  yarn.  The  double  set  of  gaming  sticks 
and  the  peculiar  carrying  bag  I  have  never  met  with  elsewhere 
(PI.  XIII). 

A  necessary  adjunct  of  the  gambling  sticks  is  a  strip  of 
hard  tanned  bear  skin,  about  forty  inches  in  length  by  ten 
inches  in  width,  upon  which  the  sticks  were  thrown  in  play. 
When  not  in  use  the  skin  is  kept  rolled  around  the  shredded  bark 
or  hay  in  which  the  sticks  are  wrapped  when  in  play,  and  is 
tied  around  one  end  with  a  hide  string. 

Before  describing  the  manner  in  which  the  gaming  sticks 
were  used,  it  might  be  pertinent  to  compare  them  with  those  of 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


91 


the  coast,  in  contradiction  of  the  theory  that  they  were  borrowed 
from  the  people  of  the  littoral,  from  whom  the  Tahltan  have 
adopted  so  much. 

In  material  each  people  used  the  finer  woods  of  their  own 
country,  which,  except  for  the  maple  and  the  spruce,  are  very 


\ 


FIG.  26. — Gambling  sticks. 


different,  and  the  maple  is  little  found  on  the  islands.  The 
Tahltan  gaming  stick  is  uniformly  slender  and  is  squared  or 
bluntly  rounded  at  the  end,  while  that  used  by  the  coast  people  is 
always  thicker  (sometimes  two  or  more  diameters  larger),  and  the 


92  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

ends  are  often  ornate,  pointed,  nipple-shaped,  rounded,  hollowed, 
and  sometimes  inlaid  with  shell.  While  the  encircling  lines  bear  a 
general  resemblance,  they  are  characteristic  with  each  people, 
the  arrangement  being  entirely  different,  and  the  rude  pictog- 
raphy of  the  Tahltan  sticks  is  archaic  when  compared-with  the 
artistic  burnt  and  incised  conventional  designs  of  some  of  the 
coast  sets,  which  also  are  often  inlaid  with  shell  and  bone. 
The  carrying  bag  of  the  Tahltan,  as  above  noted,  is  unique  both 
in  its  double  arrangement  and  in  its  connecting  strap,  while  the 
skin  bag  of  the  coast  has  but  one  pocket  which  is  covered  by  a 
flap  or  wrapped  around  by  the  extension  of  the  back  of  the  bag 
that  is  carried  to  some  length  as  a  band.  The  number  of  sticks 
in  the  coast  sets  average  many  more  than  the  number  in  the  two 
sets  of  the  Tahltan,  reaching,  in  some  instances,  eighty  or  more. 
The  strip  of  bear  skin  on  which  the  sticks  are  thrown  when 
played  is  replaced  on  the  coast  by  a  square  or  folded  mat  of 
heavy  hide,  cut  or  painted  in  totemic  design.  The  Tahltan  have 
no  counterpart  for  the  strip  of  caribou  skin  with  the  hair  intact, 
and  fringed  and  often  painted  along  the  sides,  which  the  coast 
people  roll  around  the  paint  sticks  and  the  shredded  cedar  bark. 
So  that  it  would  seem  that  this  game  came  to  the  Tahltan  from 
some  place  other  than  the  coast. 

The  game  is  played  by  two  men  seated  opposite  to  each 
other.  Each  player  is  provided  with  his  own  paraphernalia,  and 
carries  several  sets  of  sticks,  which  he  uses  as  we  do  cards, 
throwing  aside  one  set  and  taking  up  another  for  "better  luck." 
The  bear  skins  are  stretched  between  the  players.  The  sticks, 
in  two  bundles  of  plain  and  marked  ones  respectively,  are  placed 
within  easy  reach  at  the  left,  and  a  small  bundle  of  shredded 
bark  or  fine  hay  is  before  each  player.  The  dealer  now  takes 
one  of  the  marked,  or  "trump,"  sticks,  eh-kah,  and  three  other 
sticks,  wraps  them  in  hay,  and  places  them  separately  on  the 
bear  skin  in  front  of  him  in  four  bundles.  The  opponent  next 
points  to  one  of  them,  indicating  the  bundle  which  he  believes  to 
contain  the  trump.  The  dealer  then  takes  it  up,  and  also  a 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  93 

lot  of  ten  or  twelve  of  the  other  sticks,  forces  the  former 
through  the  hay  among  these,  and  manipulates  them  with  both 
hands,  jostling  them  around;  he  then  takes  out  one  stick  at  a 
time,  throws  it  down  on  the  bear  skin,  and  calls  out  the  name 
if  a  marked  stick,  until  he  comes  to  the  trump  or  has  exhausted 
the  bundle.  If  the  trump  is  not  shown,  the  opponent  guesses 
again,  and  the  process  is  repeated;  and  if  the  trump  is  not  dis- 
closed, he  again  guesses,  and,  if  not  successful,  the  dealer  wins 
a  half  of  the  entire  stake.  The  trump  is  now  taken  up  by  the 
dealer,  and  one  other  stick  is  taken  from  the  pile  to  the  left; 
each  is  wrapped  in  hay,  and  the  two  are  placed  separately  in 
front  of  the  dealer.  The  opponent  now  guesses  which  is  the 
trump,  and  as  before  the  concealed  stick  is  forced  into  and  manip- 
ulated with  a  bundle  of  other  sticks  and  cast  down  on  the  bear 
skin,  and  if  the  trump  does  not  appear,  then  the  dealer  wins 
half  of  the  remaining  stake,  and  the  whole  process,  with  the  four 
sticks,  is  repeated,  then  with  the  two  sticks.  The  dealer  now 
sings,  and  if  the  trump  is  not  guessed,  the  stake  is  won  by  the 
dealer;  but  if  the  opponent  guesses  the  trump  at  any  time,  the 
deal  passes  to  him,  although  the  amount  won  by  the  dealer  is 
retained. 

Another  and  much  more  complicated  game  was  played  for 
the  writer  by  one  of  the  few  older  men  who  still  remembered  the 
play  of  the  past. 

The  players  seat  themselves  as  before,  with  the  implements 
similarly  placed.  The  dealer  takes  one  trump  and  one  other 
stick  which  he  first  wraps  in  hay  separately,  then  in  one  bundle 
together  under  the  hay  in  front  of  him;  he  next  jostles  the 
bundle  around  in  his  hands  until  the  opponent  calls  "Ha!" 
when  he  removes  the  outer  wrapping  and  places  the  two  wrapped 
sticks  singly  in  front  of  him.  Then  the  opponent  waves  his  hand 
to  right  or  left,  indicating  which  bundle  he  wishes  taken  up.  The 
dealer  takes  also  a  bundle  of  ten  or  twelve  of  the  other  sticks, 
and  forces  the  wrapped  stick  out  of  the  hay  and  among  the  other 
sticks,  and  jostles  them  about,  and  as  he  throws  down  each 


94 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 


stick  on  the  bear  skin  in  front  of  him  he  calls  out  its  name,  if 
marked,  until  he  produces  the  trump  or  exhausts  the  bundle. 
If  the  trump  is  produced  the  dealer  wins  once,  and  the  process  is 
repeated;  should  the  dealer  lose,  the  game  is  begun  anew;  but 
if  the  dealer  wins  the  second  set,  then  he  takes  the  trump  and 


\ 


FIG.  27.— Gambling  sticks. 

three  other  sticks,  wraps  each  one  in  hay,  and  places  the  four 
bundles  in  front  of  him.  The  opponent  points  to  one  which  is 
taken  up  and  manipulated  with  the  bundle  of  sticks,  as  before 
described,  and  if  it  is  not  the  trump,  then  the  opponent  indicates 


G.   T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS. 


95 


another  one  of  the  three  bundles  left,  and  if  he  fails  the  second 
time  to  guess  the  trump,  the  two  remaining  bundles  are  taken  up 
and  jostled  in  the  hands,  and  when  the  opponent  says  "Ha!" 
they  are  placed  in  the  bundle  of  hay  with  the  ends  just  protrud- 


FIG.  28.— Gambling  sticks. 


ing,  and  by  a  wave  of  the  hand  to  left  or  right  he  indicates  which 
one  he  wishes  taken.  As  before,  it  is  manipulated  with  a  bundle 
of  sticks,  and  if  the  trump  is  not  produced  when  the  sticks  are 


96  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

thrown  down,  the  dealer  wins  and  takes  half  the  stake,  and  com- 
mences again  with  two  sticks  as  at  first;  the  production  of  the 
trump  winning  for  the  dealer,  and  if  he  wins  all  four  sets  in  suc- 
cession he  takes  the  remaining  half  of  the  stake.  JBut  should  the 
opponent  win  twice  when  two  sticks  are  used,  and  again  when  the 
four  st  cks  are  used,  he  takes  the  deal  and  the  game  begins.  It 
will  be  seen  that  in  this  game  the  trump  is  both  a  losing  and  a 
winning  stick,  losing  when  guessed  with  two  sticks,  and  winning 
when  guessed  with  three  or  four. 

Possibly  there  were  other  variations  of  this  game,  but  to-day 
even  the  older  people  have  little  recollection  of  it,  and  there  was 
great  difficulty  in  finding  two  men  who  could  interpret  its  intri- 
cacies. When  playing,  the  dealer  sings,  as  in  all  gambling 
games.  The  songs  have  little  meaning,  just  a  word  or  two  long 
drawn  out,  and  often  in  a  foreign  tongue. 

The  game  of  nah-ar,  the  guessing  contest  of  odd  or  even,  is 
played  with  bone  toggles,  averaging  three  inches  in  length,  but 
sometimes  smaller.  They  are  generally  rounded,  and  tapering 
from  the  middle  to  the  ends,  which  are  usually  blunt  or  rounded; 
but  sometimes  they  are  flattened  on  two  sides  and  of  the  same 
thickness  throughout.  No  unvarying  shape  obtains,  and  they 
do  not  exhibit  great  care  in  the  construction.  They  are  in  sets 
of  two  and  four,  in  which  half  are  plain  and  half  are  distinguished 
by  a  few  turns  of  hide  or  wire  around  the  middle.  Undoubtedly 
this  game  has  been  borrowed  from  the  coast,  and  the  finer 
implements  are  clearly  of  coast  manufacture,  the  Tahltan  work 
being  noticeably  crude. 

The  game  is  played  by  two  persons  or  by  any  number  seated 
on  the  ground  opposite  each  other  in  two  lines.  Each  player 
bets  with  his  opposite,  and  the  two  stakes  are  placed  together 
between  them.  The  play  is  conducted  by  one  side  at  a  time, 
each  man  of  which  has  a  marked  and  a  plain  toggle  which  he 
changes  from  hand  to  hand  or  manipulates  behind  his  back  or 
under  the  blanket  that  covers  his  knees.  Sometimes  instead  of 
two  toggles  the  players  use  but  one,  which  is  passed  from  hand 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN    INDIANS.  97 

to  hand  and  serves  the  same  purpose  as  the  marked  one.  At  a 
signal  the  hands  of  the  players  are  produced  and  kept  in  motion 
in  front  of  them  while  all  join  in  an  expressionless  song  consisting 
of  a  few  long  drawn  out  words  in  their  own,  or,  very  often,  in 
the.  Nishka  language.  The  leader  of  the  opposing  side  with 
outstretched  arm  throws  his  hand  to  the  right  or  left,  at  which 
signal  all  the  players  open  the  indicated  hand  in  front  of  them, 
and  according  as  the  hands  contain  plain  toggles  (or  if  playing 
with  a  single  toggle  they  display  it),  the  guessing  side  wins  that 
number,  and  loses  from  the  plain  toggles  or  empty  hands.  The 
difference  in  number  between  the  two  is  indicated  to  the  winning 
side  by  stick  counters  that  are  stuck  up  in  the  ground  between 
the  contesting  parties.  After  every  count  the  other  side  takes 
up  the  play,  which  continues  until  all  the  counters  are  accumu- 
lated by  one  or  the  other  of  the  two  sides,  when  the  game  is 
finished,  and  each  man  of  the  winning  side  takes  the  individual 
stake  in  front  of  him. 

The  counters,  twenty  or  more  in  number  according  to 
agreement,  may  be  small  willow  twigs  a  foot  or  so  long,  but  the 
writer  found  a  bundle  of  regularly  cut  stakes,  pointed  at  each 
end,  so  that  they  could  be  stuck  in  the  ground  and  the  players 
could  determine  at  any  time  how  the  game  stood. 

This  game,  with  slight  variation,  is  common  to  all  the  tribes 
of  the  northwest  coast,  and  it  probably  came  to  the  Tahltan 
from  this  source  rather  than  from  the  interior.  It  is  of  later 
origin  than  the  preceding  game  played  with  the  small  sticks,  and 
is  to-day  well  remembered  by  a  majority  of  the  people. 

The  only  game  of  chance  played  by  the  women  is  known  as 
ketchee,  a  Tlingit  word  referring  to  the  hand  and  indicating  the 
source  of  the  game.  It  is  played  with  a  small  die  of  wood  or 
bone,  and  is  a  contest  of  dexterity  rather  than  of  guessing. 
The  die  is  thrown  in  the  air,  and  according  to  the  way  it  falls 
it  counts  naught,  one,  or  two.  Small  stick  counters  are  used, 
and  when  one  gains  them  all,  the  stake  passes  to  her  as  the 
winner.  Only  a  single  specimen  of  die  was  found  among  all  the 


98  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

people.     It  is  of  wood,  ornamentally  carved  in  bird  form,  and 
most  probably  is  of  Tlingit  manufacture. 

Of  children's  games  but  little  could  be  learned.  In  prim- 
itive days  the  Tahltan  unquestionably  had  their  time  well 
employed  in  procuring  the  necessities  of  life,  and  the  children 
from  an  early  age  had  their  share  of  labor  to  perform  that  oc- 
cupied much  of  their  time.  Then  their  hunting,  in  small  bands, 
and  constant  shifting  of  camp,  all  tended  to  retard  the  develop- 
ment of  amusements.  The  girls  had  their  dolls,  which  they  have 
to-day.  The  boys  played  jump  pole.  They  ran,  they  lifted 
weights,  and  they  made  bundles  of  the  stems  of  fireweed  or  of 
brush  which  they  placed  in  a  thicket  out  of  sight.  This  they  tried 
to  spear  from  a  distance  with  sharpened  sticks,  the  winner  re- 
ceiving a  prize.  In  winter  the  same  game  was  played,  but  the 
bundle  of  twigs  was  buried  out  of  sight  in  the  snow. 

MARRIAGE 

So  far  as  the  daughter  is  concerned,  marriage  is  largely 
a  matter  of  sale,  for  she  belongs  to  the  parents,  more  particularly 
in  this  case  to  the  father,  and  is  not  consulted  in  the  choice  of 
a  husband.  Early  marriage  is  the  rule  with  both  sexes,  and  this 
is  generally  consummated  shortly  after  the  girl  is  released  from 
the  confinement  attending  puberty,  and  the  boy  has  attained 
maturity.  Daughters  are  really  more  of  an  asset  to  the  parents 
than  sons,  for  besides  the  original  price,  or  gift,  if  the  wife  proves 
satisfactory  the  husband  honors  the  father-in-law  with  presents 
throughout  life;  and  in  the  case  of  young  couples,  the  husband 
more  frequently  comes  to  live  with  the  wife's  parents,  thus 
adding,  materially  to  their  support.  In  the  case  of  sons,  if  they 
are  not  given  to  an  uncle  to  rear,  they  live  with  and  assist  the 
father  until  marriage,  when  their  connection  with  their  parents 
practically  ceases.  Referring  to  the  customs  of  the  past,  the 
proposal  of  marriage  came  from  the  man,  who  communicated 
his  wishes  to  his  mother,  married  sister,  or  aunt,  who  in 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN    INDIANS.  99 

turn  went  to  the  mother  of  the  girl  and  asked  her  consent, 
at  the  same  time  intimating  the  number  and  value  of  presents 
to  be  made.  This  was  discussed  by  her  parents,  and  generally 
a  demand  for  further  gifts  was  made,  and  thus  were  the  nego- 
tiations carried  back  and  forth  until  an  agreement  was  finally 
reached.  The  brothers  or  near  totemic  relations  of  the  suitor 
then  carr'ed  the  payment  in  skins  or  blankets  to  the  father  of 
the  girl  and  placed  them  before  him.  If  he  was  satisfied  the 
time  for  the  union  was  named.  If  it  was  the  daughter  of  a 
chief,  or  of  a  man  of  standing,  he  held  a  feast,  assisted  by  his 
family,  and  to  this  feast  the  family  of  the  prospective  bride- 
groom was  invited.  When  all  were  assembled,  the  presents 
were  brought  forth  and  counted.  The  bride-elect  was  seated, 
with  her  back  to  the  guests,  in  a  corner  of  the  house,  near  the 
entrance,  and  was  completely  covered  with  a  blanket  of  caribou 
skin,  and  thus  she  remained  throughout  the  feast.  At  its 
conclusion  she  was  taken  by  her  mother  to  the  house  of  the 
groom,  if  he  had  one;  if  not  then  to  the  home  of  the  man's 
parents,  where  they  lived  for  a  short  time  and  then  returned 
and  lived  with  the  parents  of  the  bride.  Etiquette  required 
that  the  young  husband  hold  no  intercourse  with  the  mother- 
in-law;  when  one  came  into  the  shelter,  the  other  would 
often  leave. 

Although  the  girl  is  not  permitted  to  choose  her  partner, 
marriage  seems  to  be  as  productive  of  good  results  among  the 
Tahltan  as  elsewhere.  Although  exacting  under  normal  con- 
ditions of  climate  and  country,  the  life  of  the  woman  is  by  no 
means  one  of  oppression,  and  her  position  in  the  household  is 
well  assured. 

Polygamy  was  both  permitted  and  practised,  but  it  was 
not  the  rule,  and  it  has  now  practically  disappeared.  The  old 
custom  of  requiring  the  nephew  to  marry  the  widow  of  his 
deceased  uncle  on  attaining  the  succession  was  instituted 
that  the  old  wife  might  continue  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  a 
home  and  the  support  to  which  she  had  been  accustomed,  for 


100  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

she  could  inherit  nothing  from  her  husband's  estate,  owing  to 
the  social  organization  requiring  her  to  be  of  the  opposite  totem. 
Such  ill-assorted  unions  were  generally  responsible  for  the  taking 
of  another  wife  more  congenial  in  point  of  years.  Another 
reason  for  plural  marriage  was  the  privilege  of  hunting  grounds 
and  trade  rights  acquired  with  each  wife.  These  advantages 
influenced  intermarriage  with  the  people  of  neighboring  tribes, 
more  particularly  with  the  Taku  and  Kaska,  whose  language, 
customs,  and  pursuits  were  very  similar,  as  well  as  with  the 
Bear  lake  people,  the  Stikine  Tlingit  (with  whom  they  constantly 
traded),  and  occasionally  with  the  Nishka  during  periods  of 
peace.  On  the  death  of  the  wife,  should  she  have  a  marriageable 
sister  the  widower  could  have  her  at  little  or  no  extra  cost.  She 
would  as  a  right  come  to  him  to  supply  the  place  of  the  dead 
in  payment  for  the  original  cost.  Divorce  was  not  common. 
Indeed  on  the  whole  the  domestic  relations  were  and  are  as 
happy  among  them  as  elsewhere.  Affection  for  their  children  is 
particularly  noticeable,  and  this  they  richly  deserve  by  reason  of 
their  unvarying  obedience  and  helpfulness. 


CHILDBIRTH 

On  reaching  the  period  of  confinement  the  woman  seeks 
an  outhouse  of  brush  and  bark  that  has  been  erected  for  her 
temporary  seclusion,  for  both  at  this  time  and  when  isolated 
on  reaching  puberty  she  is  considered  unclean;-  In  the  retreat 
she  is  attended  by  one  or  more  experienced  older  women.  In 
delivery  she  assumes  a  squatting  position  directly  over  a  shallow 
pit  that  has  been  lined  and  half  filled  with  soft  moss,  and  leans 
forward  with  her  arms  over  a  stout  pole  securely  driven  in  the 
ground  at  an  angle,  which  relieves  the  weight  of  the  body  and 
allows  the  muscles  to  relax.  If  labor  is  difficult,  the  midwife 
manipulates  the  abdomen  and  assists  the  delivery;  and  in  ex- 
treme cases  it  is  said  that  the  shaman  might  be  summoned. 
Should  this  be  necessary^e  would  come  only  to  the  shelter, 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  101 

holding  concealed  in  his  hand  an  object  believed  to  possess  medi- 
cine, or  magic  power,  as  a  bit  of  fur,  or  a  bird  skin,  and,  reaching 
in,  he  might  touch  the  patient's  head  with  his  hand,  after  which 
he  would  quickly  disappear.  This,  as  the  informant  expressed 
herself,  "would  scare  child  and  make  it  come  quick." 

Upon  delivery  the  child  is  slightly  washed  in  warm  water, 
but  in  the  past  it  was  wiped  with  a  soft  rabbit  skin,  then  wrapped 
in  a  light  fur  blanket  and  placed  in  a  bark  cradle  lined  with  soft- 
ground  moss  (Hypnum  capillifolium  Wornstorf)  which  had 
been  carefully  picked  apart  and  dried,  and  the  whole  structure 
covered  with  tanned  skin  or  fur.  Regarding  the  form  of  the 
cradle,  some  of  the  older  people  claim  that  the  primitive  cradle 
was  a  hammock  of  skin  with  lines  of  babiche,  a  type  that  survives 
in  the  blanket  of  commerce  and  the  rope  line  that  may  often 
be  seen  in  Tahltan  houses  to-day.  Neither  of  these  forms  is 
ever  used  more  than  once,  and  when  it  has  served  its  purpose  it 
is  hidden  away,  as  the  connection  between  the  life  and  the  cradle 
can  never  be  broken,  although  growing  apart  with  age. 

After  delivery  the  mother  rests  for  two  or  three  days, 
and  is  given  no  solid  food,  only  a  tea  of  herbs,  of  dogberry  root, 
or  of  the  inner  bark  of  the  spruce,  and  later  a  soup  made  of 
salmon  and  dogberry  root  which  is  believed  to  increase  the  flow 
of  milk.  When  she  is  able  to  take  solid  food  a  fish  diet  is  pre- 
ferred, grease  and  fats  being  avoided. 

The  placenta  (ethone  ke-thla-ge)  is  often  retained  for  several 
days,  no  attempt  is  made  to  expel  it,  nature  being  allowed  to 
take  its  course. 

The  umbilical  cord  (ethone  elboola)  is  tied  with  sinew  and 
then  cut;  before  the  introduction  of  iron  this  was  done  with  a 
rude  knife  or  splinter  of  obsidian,  ^fhe  life  of  the  child  is  fore- 
told by  the  length  of  the  cord,  which,  after  it  comes  off,  is  dried  on 
a  stick,  wrapped  with  fine  sinew  thread,  sewed  in  a  tiny  sack,  and 
secured  to  the  cradle  or  to  the  clothing/ \  'The  mother  carefully 
preserves  the  sack  until  the  child  reaches  maturity,  when  she  hides 
it  away  in  a  crevice  in  the  rocks,  in  the  nest  of  an  eagle,  or  in  a 


102  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

hollow  tree.  Its  relation  to  the  life  always  exists,  although  after 
maturity  it  is  less  considered.  If  it  should  be  lost  in  childhood, 
a  normal  growth  would  not  be  attained.  If  it  were  purposely 
destroyed,  misfortune,  or  death  would  follow.  If  it  should  fall 
into  the  hands  of  one  evilly  disposed,  sickness  could  be  produced 
that  might  result  fatally;  therefore,  as  my  informant  expressed 
herself,  "that  string  is  a  child's  life:  that  one  thing  they  look 
out  [for]." 

The  mother  remains  in  the  bark  shelter  during  the  two  or 
three  days  following  delivery,  and  then  returns  to  the  camp. 
She  is  still  cared  for  until  able  to  get  up,  and  a  wide  abdominal 
band  of  skin  is  put  on  and  worn  until  normal  conditions  are 
restored. 

The  child  is  given  the  breast  as  soon  as  the  milk  comes; 
but  should  there  be  any  trouble,  the  infant  is  given  to  some  other 
nursing  mother  in  the  camp.  The  child  continues  to  nurse  as 
long  as  it  can  draw  any  sustenance  from  the  breast,  sometimes 
until  it  is  two  or  three  years  of  age,  when  it  is  running  about 
and  eating  practically  every  variety  of  food. 

The  husband  is  excluded  from  the  presence  of  the  wife 
during  confinement,  but  he  may  visit  her  immediately  after 
delivery.  Before  confinement,  neither  husband  nor  wife  is 
permitted  to  eat  the  flesh  of  any  young  animal. 

The  Tahltan  are  a  fairly  prolific  people.  Four  or  five  children 
are  of  common  occurrence,  and  two  old  women  were  pointed  out 
who  had  borne  nine  and  ten  children  respectively.  But  their 
hard  life,  ignorance,  and  lack  of  sanitation  have  always  been  the 
means  of  retarding  any  material  increase  in  numbers,  the  in- 
fant mortality  being  unduly  great.  Children  are  not  "taught" 
as  we  understand  the  process;  they  simply  learn  from  intuition 
and  observation.  In  a  working  community  every  one  finds 
employment.  The  little  girls  help  their  mothers  greatly  in  caring 
for  the  younger  children,  and  at  an  early  age  the  boys  trap  and 
hunt  with  their  fathers,  so  that  as  they  grow  they  learn  uncon- 
sciously the  duties  and  habits  of  life  until  they  assume  the  full 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE    TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  103 

responsibilities  that  come  whh  marriage  and  take  their  places 
in  the  family  councils. 

NAMING 

Among  those  tribes  of  the  northwest  coast  which  acknowl- 
edge a  legal  succession  in  the  mother's  line  and  recognize  an 
emblem  of  family  that  we  commonly  call  a  totem,  the  name  is 
more  than  a  personal  attribute.  It  not  only  distinguishes  the 
individual,  but  it  identifies  his  clan  or  family,  and  tells  of  his 
social  position  and  ancestry.  So  it  will  be  seen  that  names  are 
not  given  at  will;  they  are  inherited  rights  in  the  separate  family 
divisions.  Each  has  a  meaning  which  more  often  refers  to  the 
emblem  or  to  some  incident  in  the  life  of  the  family,  although 
from  time  to  time  individual  happenings  bring  out  new  names. 

A  few  days  after  birth  the  child  is  named  after  some  maternal 
relation.  This  name  is  not  of  great  importance,  for  while  it 
makes  clear  the  family  connection,  it  serves  only  to  distinguish 
the  individual.  A  second  name  is  given  at  any  age  from  eight 
to  fifteen  years,  and  with  people  of  the  higher  class  this  is  done 
at  the  time  of  a  feast,  or  memorial  ceremony,  given  by  the  ma- 
ternal uncle,  who  himself  names  the  nephews  while  his  sisters 
name  the  nieces,  and  these  names  are  likewise  of  the  mother's 
family.  The  baby  name  is  now  discarded,  except  possibly  by 
the  immediate  family,  and  the  new  name  is  substituted  as  the 
more  important.  A  third  and  more  honorable  name  is  taken  by 
the  individual  himself  on  succeeding  to  the  estate  of  a  relative, 
when  the  memorial  feast  is  held  and  property  is  distributed  to 
those  who  assisted  at  the  obsequies  of  the  deceased  whose  name  is 
now  assumed.  Another,  the  most  honored  of  all  names,  may  be 
taken  later  in  life,  that  of  some  distinguished  maternal  ancestor 
or  a  great  uncle  or  a  great  grandfather,  but  to  do  this  it  is  neces- 
sary to  give  a  feast  and  to  present  property  to  the  opposite 
totemic  families  proportionate  to  the  honor  assumed.  To  this 
end  the  accumulations  of  a  lifetime  are  sometimes  distributed 
cheerfully,  the  giver  accepting  poverty  for  the  remainder  of  his 


104  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

days  It  can  be  seen  how,  during  generations,  names  increase  in 
importance,  and  each  one  endeavors  to  outdo  the  others  in  the 
distribution  of  property  so  that  the  old  name  may  be  still  further 
honored  in  himself. 

After  the  birth  and  the  naming  of  a  child  the  parents  may 
become  known  as  its  father  and  mother.  This  custom  is  com- 
mon among  the  Tlingit,  and  has  probably  been  borrowed  from 
the  coast. 


PUBERTY   CUSTOMS 

On  the  first  appearance  of  catamenia  the  pubescent  girl 
is  separated  from  the  family  and  is  confined  in  a  small  brush 
or  bark  house  in  the  rear  of  the  dwelling.  This  seclusion  covers 
a  period  of  from  six  months  to  a  year,  and  is  more  strictly 
observed  with  the  daughter  of  a  chief.  Even  to-day  this  custom 
is  observed,  but  for  a  much  shorter  period,  and  a  corner  of  the 
house  may  be  partitioned  off  for  the  girl's  seclusion  to  take  the 
place  of  the  out  of  doors  structure  formerly  built.  She  is  attended 
by  her  mother,  aunt,  sister  or  other  female  relation.  The  father 
is  not  permitted  to  see  her  for  at  least  a  month  after  the  confine- 
ment and  then  but  seldom.  /^Vhen  taken  out  to  walk  at  night 
she  is  completely  enveloped  in  a  caribou  skin  robe  which 
covers  the  head  and  reaches  to  the  ground.  She  wears  around 
the  neck  a  hollow  tube,  the  tibia  of  the  swan  or  a  goose, 
through  which  she  drinks.1  Were  she  to  drink  in  the  ordi- 
nary way  it  is  believed  that  she  would  suffer  from  stomach 
trouble  in  old  age./  Attached  to  the  tube  by  a  hide  string  is 
a  small  pointed  stick  or  bone  with  which  to  scratch  the  head,  for 
during  confinement  the  hair  is  not  combed./  Sometimes,  the 
drinking  tube  is  hung  with  beadwork  which  is  purely  orna- 
mental (PL  VIII,  B,  E)./  During  this  period  of  seclusion 
the  girl's  diet  is  generally  restricted  to  dried  fish  and  meat, 
although  sometimes  she  is  allowed  fresh  porcupine  flesh 
and  fresh  berries.  The  uterus,  the  head,  and  generally  the 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  105 

feet  of  animals  the  pubescent  girl  is  prohibited  from  eating;  if 
the  head  or  brain  is  eaten,  her  child  will  suffer  from  an  abscess 
in  the  ear.  If  the  feet  of  the  mountain  goat  are  eaten  the  off- 
spring will  be  lazy  and  a  poor  traveler.  Partaking  of  the 
beaver's  feet  will  produce  a  stumbler,  who  can  not  run;  and 
eating  the  fresh  flesh  of  animals,  besides  being  harmful  to  her, 
may  bring  bad  luck  to  the  hunter.  During  one  of  my  visits  to 
the  Tahltan  village  in  the  fishing  season,  one  family  complained 
that  they  could  not  join  their  companions  across  the  river,  be- 
cause a  daughter  of  the  household  was  experiencing  her  monthly 
sickness,  and  her  passage  over  the  river  at  this  period  would 
drive  the  salmon  from  the  sea. 

On  being  released,  the  girl's  skin  robe  is  discarded,  she 
is  given  the  sweat  bath  and  then  dressed  in  new  clothes, 
the  hair  is  combed,  and  the  horseshoe-like  beaded  ornament 
(mossth)  is  hung  around  her  neck,  if  she  is  of  high  degree,  and 
a  feast  is  given  in  her  honor  to  which  the  opposite  totemic  families 
are  invited.  The  neck  ring  is  very  attractive.  .The  frame  is  of 
bent  wood  in  the  shape  of  a  horseshoe,  with  a  lashing  of  hide 
in  the  rear.  It  is  covered  with  tanned  caribou  skin  or  colored 
cloth  ornamented  with  dentalium,  beads,  or  pearl  buttons,  and 
is  hung  with  shell  beads  and  tufts  of  colored  yarn  (PI.  VIII, 
A,  C,  F,  G). 

This  ring,  which  is  the  most  highly  prized  of  the  ornaments 
of  the  woman,  is  worn  as  a  sign  of  maturity  after  the.  period  of 
confinement  following  puberty,  for  about  a  year,  but  never  after 
marriage. 

If  at  this  time  the  wearer  wishes  to  speak  with  her  brother 
or  with  a  male  of  her  own  phratry,  she  ties  a  bit  of  babiche  or 
sinew  to  the  mossth. 

MORTUARY  CUSTOMS 

As  the  Tahltan  live  their  lives  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  few 
pleasures  that  come  to  them,  uncomplaining  in  hardship  and 
adversity,  so  they  accept  the  end  with  composure  and  resig- 
nation. 


106  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

Death  is  announced  immediately  by  one  of  the  men  of 
the  family  in  a  loud  voice  from  without  the  doorway,  when  all 
assemble  and  strike  the  ground  with  sticks,  chanting,  "if 
the  spirit  does  not  hear,  he  will  lose  the  trail."  Then  pointing 
the  sticks  to  the  sky,  they  sing,  "you  take  this  trail  [upward]; 
do  not  lose  the  trail."  The  death  song  is  never  used  or  even 
repeated  on  any  other  occasion.  • 

The  family  opposite  that  of  the  deceased,  that  is  the  family 
of  the  husband  or  the  wife,  as  the  case  may  be,  performs  all  the 
mortuary  services.  The  corpse  is  laid  out,  and  the  arms  folded 
over  the  breast.  It  is  then  wrapped  in  a  skin  blanket,  tied  about 
the  head,  feet,  and  middle  of  the  body,  and  placed  opposite 
the  doorway,  which  is  the  position  of  honor.  The  family  cere- 
monial pieces  and  some  personal  property  are  placed  about  the 
dead  by  way  of  display.  The  corpse  is  kept  in  state  a  day  or 
two,  and  in  the  case  of  a  chief,  four  days. 

During  this  period  the  family  eats  but  once  a  day,  but  those 
of  the  opposite  family  who  have  charge  of  the  funeral  arrange- 
ments and  are  preparing  the  pyre  are  given  food  two  or  three 
times  daily.  \li  the  deceased  is  a  married  man,  the  wife  cuts 
her  hair  and  blackens  her  face,  and  keeps  the  face  blackened 
as  a  sign  of  mourning  for  one  year.  W  Each  night  while  the  corpse 
is  lying  in  state  the  family  assembles  and  sings  four  death  and 
family  songs. 

On  the  death  of  a  brother  they  sing:  "he  broke  his  own 
canoe,  my  poor  brother!"  The  words  are  long  drawn  out  and 
repeated,  and  during  occasional  intermissions  in  the  singing, 
the  covering  is  removed  from  the  face  of  the  dead.  Other 
words  were  used  in  the  place  of  "brother"  and  "canoe"  when 
occasion  demanded. 

Etmetah,  the  oldest  surviving  shaman,  sung  his  family 
song  in  a  language  of  some  other  time  or  people — it  was  neither 
Tahltan  nor  Tlingit: — "outside  [referring  to  the  coast  country] 
is  good;  go  you  there!" 

The  funeral  pyre  having  been  prepared  and  all  made  ready, 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  107 

x/ 

the  members  of  the  opposite  family  assigned  to  the  task,  carry 
the  corpse  by  means  of  two  long  poles*  one  on  each  side,  which 
pass  through  the  three  ropes  tied  around  the  body  shrouded 
in  the  skin  blanket/  It  is  never  taken  through  the  doorway, 
else  the  spirit  of  death  will  return  to  the  household,  but  through 
the  side  of  the  house,  or  lifted  through  the  smoke  hole  or  through 
the  corner  of  the  bark  shelter  or  tent,  and  a  dog  is  thrown  out 
after  the  corpse  to  prevent:  the  return  of  the  death  spirit,  and 
also  ashes  are  cast  out.  The  members  of  the  household,  in 
their  oldest  clothes  and  with  faces  blackened  with  a  preparation 
of  charcoal,  balsam,  and  tallow,  follow  the  corpse,  which  is 
placed  on  the  pyre  and  slowly  cremated.  During  this  process 
the  women  relatives  cry,  while  the  men  of  the  clan  sing  the 
family  songs,  and  the  women  of  the  clan,  other  than  those  of 
the  immediate  family,  dance  in  their  slow  swaying  motion  from 
side  to  side.  Among  the  Tahltan  the  body  of  a  shaman  is 
cremated  the  same  as  the  others. 

The  charred  bones  are  collected  by  one  of  the  opposite 
family  usually  as  soon  as  the  fire  has  burned  out,  but  sometimes 
not  for  several  days,"  and  are  put  in  a  box  which  is  placed  on 
top  of  a  memorial  column,  on  a  crib  of  logs,  or  in  a  small 
box-like  house  situated  on  some  prominent  point  on  the  out- 
skirts of  the  village.  That  night  the  family  of  the  deceased  gives 
a  smoking  feast  to  the  opposite  fa"mily.  Tobacco, is  thrown  into 
the  fire  for  the  dead,  and  later  a  little  food  is  given  away  to  the 
guests.  Generally  about  a  year  after  death  the  family  of  the 
deceased  honors  the  dead  with  a  feast  to  the  opposite  family, 
when  the  guests  in  ceremonial  dress  sing  and  dance,  first  the 
women  and  afterward  the  men.  Two  years  after  the  death  a 
great  feast  is  given,  if  the  deceased  were  a  person  of  standing, 
which  lasts  four  days.  The  first  day  the  guests  dance  and  sing, 
first  the  women  then  the  men.  The  second  day  the  men  of  the 
family  sing  and  the  women  dance,  and  a  smoking  feast  is  held, 
after  which  the  guests  dance  and  sing.  On  the  third  day  the 
performance  of  the  first  day  is  repeated,  and  on  the  fourth  day 


108  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

payment  in  property  is  made  to  those  who  took  charge  of  and 
performed  the  funeral  and  cremation  ceremonies,  when  all 
obligations  on  account  of  the  dead  are  discharged. 

The  Tahltan  believe  in  many  spirits.  Big  Raven,  "Cheskea 
Cho,"  created  the  world,  and  when  the  people  wanted  game  food 
they  indicated  their  desire  to  this  benefactor  by  burning  eagle 
feathers  and  saying,  "give  me  food." 

Everyone  possesses  a  spirit  that  is  immortal.  It  is  released 
at  death  and  lives  in  an  abode  in  the  heart  of  the  earth;  but  it 
is  not  confined  to  this  place,  as  the  spirits  often  return  and  inhabit 
the  air  around,  and  in  most  instances  are  born  again  in  another 
of  the  same  totemic  family.  In  proof  of  this  the  writer  was 
informed  of  a  little  boy  who,  in  passing  the  grave  house  of  an 
ancestor,  turned  to  his  father  and  said,  pointing  to  it,  "that  is 
where  I  was  once  laid  away."  Another  belief  is  indicated  by 
the  following  narrative.  A  young  girl  just  reaching  maturity  died. 
Her  friend,  about  the  same  age,  gave  birth  to  a  baby  girl  the  fol- 
lowing year,  and  in  its  coming  the  young  mother  recognized  the 
return  of  the  spirit  of  her  dead  companion.  As  the  child  grew 
she  always  preferred  the  parents  of  the  dead  to  her  own,  and 
learned  without  teaching  to  call  them  mother  and  father,  referring 
to  her  natural  parents  as  uncle  and  aunt,  while  the  younger  sister 
of  the  deceased,  although  years  older  than  herself,  she  always 
spoke  of  as  her  little  sister. 

These  two  incidents,  insignificant  in  themselves  perhaps, 
were  given  as  evidence  in  support  of  their  belief  in  reincarnation. 

There  is  no  recognized  belief  in  future  punishment,  or  in  an 
abode  of  evil  spirits.  The  only  thing  approaching  this  is  when 
they  speak  of  the  spirit  as  "losing  the  trail,"  and  it  is  for  this 
reason  that  when  a  death  occurs  they  beat  the  ground  and  sing 
to  the  spirit  to  "keep  to  the  trail."  As  one  informant  expressed 
it,  "the  song  is  the  same  as  a  candle  to  light  the  trail."  The 
concept  of  the  lost  spirit  is  very  indefinite,  it  would  simply 
wander  aimlessly. 


G.    T.    EMMONS THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  109 

Generally  the  spirits  of  the  dead  are  believed  to  be  harm- 
less, but  there  are  maleficent  witch  spirits  which  live  about  the 
dead  houses  and  are  greatly  feared.  It  is  related  that  in  early 
days  four  hunters  were  returning  one  night,  and  near  the  dead 
poles  at  the  lava  beds  they  heard  voices,  but  could  see  no  one. 
As  they  listened,  they  heard  the  words,  "that  [dead]  house  is 
filled  and  we  can  not  go  in."  Then  the  voices  sang. 

"He's  dead  now, 
He's  dead  no  more. 

We  see  him  [and  they  heard  the  crying  stick  beating  time]. 
Dead  man  you  go; 
This  way  is  your  trail!" 

When  the  hunters  reached  the  village  they  related  what  they 
had  heard,  and  the  following  day  they  all  died. 


FEASTS,   DANCES,  AND  OTHER  CEREMONIES 

The  dances  and  feast  ceremonies  practiced  by  the  Tahltan 
have  been  borrowed  from  the  Tlingit.  If  they  had  any  such 
ceremonies  of  their  own,  these  have  entirely  disappeared  and 
are  forgotten  by  the  living.  Wherever  the  totemic  system  pre- 
vails, the  death  feast  seems  to  occupy  the  first  place,  as  it  is 
designed,  to  honor  the  departed  and  this  is  reflected  on  the  whole 
family.  /  The  making  of  peace  has  always  been  regarded  as  an 
occasion  to  be  celebrated  with  much  formality. 

The  dances  are  given  about  midwinter,  when  the  people 
have  returned  to  the  permanent  village  after  the  hunting  season 
is  over.  The  feasts  occur  at  the  close  of  summer,  before  the 
hunting  season  commences. 

As  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  mortuary  customs,  the 
totemic  family  of  the  deceased  entertains  the  opposite  party 
which  performs  the  obsequies  and  conducts  the  cremation,  re- 
ceiving food  and  tobacco.  A  year  or  two  afterward  they  are 
again  entertained  and  compensated  for  their  services  by  the 
distribution  of  property,  in  return  for  which  they  dance.  This 


110  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

final  feast  continues  through  four  days,  and  at  night  a  smoking 
feast  is  held.  This  ceremony  is  called  Ten-ar-lee  (dance),  and 
is  participated  in  by  men,  women,  and  children. 

The  ceremonial  dress,  except  that  part  procured  from  the 
coast  tribes,  consisted  formerly  of  skin  clothing  worked  in  por- 
cupine quill  and  colored  with  red  ochre;  furs,  bird  skins  and 
feathers;  but  this  has  all  disappeared,  and  in  its  place  beaded 
bags,  belts,  knife  cases,  and  head  pieces  of  colored  cloth  are  used./^ 
The  stuffed  body  of  a  wolf,  the  emblem  of  the  family,  I  saw  in 
a  house  at  Tahltan.  It  was  carried  in  the  dance  and  placed  in 
a  conspicuous  place.  /A.  also  saw  several  Chilkat  blankets,  like- 
wise chief's  headdresses  with  the  carved  mask  surmounted  by 
sea  lion  whiskers  and  with  the  broad  band  of  ermine  skins  de- 
pending behind,  and  carved  wooden  rattles  of  the  Tsimshian 
type,  all  of  which  had  been  procured  in  trade  from  the  coast; 
but  nothing  of  any  artistic  value  original  with  the  people  them- 
selves was  to  be  found.  'In  the  dances  a  whistle  of  bone  is  used 
by  the  master  of  ceremonies  as  a  signal. 

The  Peace  Dance,  or  Kau-ah-kan,  a  Tlingit  word  meaning 
"deer,"  by  which  term  the  hostages  are  known,  is  wholly  of 
coast  origin.  After  families  or  tribes  have  been  in  conflict  and 
peace  is  restored,  this  performance  is  celebrated  by  an  ex- 
change of  two  or  four  hostages,  who  are  treated  with  the  greatest 
consideration.  First  one  side  dances  with  its  prisoner  or  hostage 
before  the  other,  and  then  the  other  side  performs,  during  four 
days,  each  party  performing  one  dance  a  day.  A  free  trans- 
lation of  a  song  accompanying  this  dance  is  as  follows. 

My  brother  was  killed  fighting. 

And  when  word  came  to  me, 

My  heart  was  sad  and  I  wanted  to  die. 

But  now  I  am  Kan-ah-kan, 

And  I  love  peace, 

And  I  do  not  want  to  kill 

Now  any  more. 

Now  I  do  not  bear  hatred 

Toward   the  one   who   killed    my   brother. 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE    TAHLTAN    INDIANS.  Ill 

THE  OTTER  SPIRIT 

The  Tahltan  have  a  strange  belief  in  a  spirit  that  they  call 
Kus-su-nar  yar-za,  Young  Otter.  Almost  every  woman  has  one, 
two,  or  even  three  of  these;  the  more  one  has  the  greater  the 
dignity.  If  possessed  of  none,  she  commands  little  respect, 
therefore  few  if  any  women  are  willing  to  acknowledge  this  lack. 
The  spirit  generally  acts  for  the  good  of  the  owner,  but  some- 
times it  may  kill  her.  Living  within  her,  just  above  the  stomach, 
it  makes  itself  known  by  a  peculiar  sound,  and  sometimes  it  rises 
to  her  lips,  but  is  never  seen,  although  some  say  that  it  has  been 
seen  when  drawn  out  as  a  small  black  object.  The  possessor  of  a 
young  otter  spirit  is  always  conscious  of  its  existence.  At 
death  it  escapes  and  seeks  an  abode  in  another  human  being. 
It  is  exceptional  for  a  man  to  harbor  this  spirit,  and  it  is  not  for 
his  good.  When  he  becomes  possessed  of  it  he  seeks  a  woman 
doctor  who  can  suck  it  from  him  through  his  lips,  but  only  a 
woman  having  one  already  can  remove  it,  and  not  all  of  these 
have  the  power.  They  do  not  like  to  speak  of  this  to  a  stranger. 
It  is  not  etiquette  to  refer  to  it,  for  it  may  offend  the  spirit  and 
cause  harm.  Again  it  is  said  that  only  the  shaman  can  treat  this 
condition,  and  that  once  an  otter  not  larger  than  one's  hand  was 
taken  from  a  man.  The  ordinary  treatment  is  believed  to  result 
in  making  the  otter  a  good  friend  of  the  possessor.  Dr.  Ingles 
informed  the  writer  that  the  manifestation  of  this  strange  belief 
is  epilepsy. 

^  The  land  otter  has  always  been  regarded  with  much  super- 
stitious awe  and  as  sacred  to  the  practice  of  .  shamanism. 
Before  the  advent  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  it  was  never 
molested,  and  when  the  demand  for  its  fur  induced  its  capture, 
it  was  simply  killed.  The  flesh  was  never  eaten,  the  body  never 
burned,  nor  the  tongue  cut,  and  it  was  never  spoken  of  except 
with  great  respect. 


112  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

SHAMANISM 

Shamans  among  the  Tahltan  are  born  of  ignorance  and 
nurtured  through  superstition.  They  treat  sickness  not  as  of 
the  flesh,  but  as  due  to  the  presence  of  an  evil  spirit  within  the 
body.  Consequently  they  offer  no  material  aid,  but  with  the 
more  powerful  spirit  that  dominates  them  they  exorcise  the 
evil  one  that  has  entered  the  body  of  the  patient. 

Any  one  to  whom  the  spirit  comes  in  dreams  may  become  a 
shaman.  On  receiving  such  a  manifestation  he  goes  out  alone 
and  lives  in  the  woods  for  several  months  (some  place  the  limit 
at  four  months),  during  which  time  he  must  exercise  strict 
continence.  He  fasts  during  alternate  periods  of  four  days, 
drinking  only  a  little  water.  During  all  this  time  he  searches 
for  a  land  otter,  but  if  he  can  not  find  one  he  must  be  satisfied 
with  a  mink,  a  marten,  a  bush-tail  rat,  a  frog,  or  some  animal 
that  is  recognized  as  possessing  a  strong  spirit  (by  reason  of  which 
such  animals  are  not  considered  edible).  /When  the  animal  is 
met  with,  it  is  killed  and  the  tongue  taken  and  concealed  in  a 
skin,  fur,  or  feather  bag,  which  constitutes  his  medicine,  sym- 
bolic of  his  spirit  power,  hence  he  now  controls  the  spirit  of  the 
animal  which  works  his  will.  yfLaving  become  possessed  of  a 
spirit,  he  returns  to  his  people  and  announces  his  power.  Car- 
toona,  an  old  doctor,  recounting  the  practice  of  early  days,  said 
that  the  novitiate  during  his  period  of  fasting  travelled  the  country 
over  to  find  a  pregnant  moose,  caribou,  sheep,  goat  or  por- 
cupine, and  then  followed  her  to  be  present  at  the  birth  of  the 
young,  which  he  wiped  with  some  twigs  and  then  switched 
its  legs  to  make  it  rise.  He  killed  neither  the  mother  nor  the 
young,  but  in  some  unexplained  manner  he  received  magic 
power  from  his  presence  at  the  bringing  forth  of  the  young. 

When  one  becomes  ill  some  near  relative  visits  the  shaman 
and  arranges  with  him  to  treat  the  patient,  stating  what  quantity 
of  skins  or  other  property  will  be  paid  for  his  services.  The 
shaman,  accompanied  by  the  men  of  his  family,  who  carry  his 


G.    T.    EMMONS— - THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  113 

dress  and  implements,  then  go  to  the  house  of  the  sick.  Seating 
himself  by  the  patient,  the  shaman,  without  speaking,  sometimes 
fills  his  pipe  and  smokes;  then  he  commences  to  tremble,  which 
indicates  that  his  spirit  is  manifesting  itself.  )He  now  takes  off 
all  of  his  clothing,  puts  on  a  waist  cloth,  lets  down  his  hair  and 
sprinkles  it  with  swansdown,  puts  on  his  head  the  neck  skin  and 
head  of  a  swan  or  a  crown  of  grizzly  bear  claws,  and  around  the 
neck,  mink  or  ermine  skins,  swan  or  loon  necks  and  heads,  owls' 
claws,  bird  skins,  a  rope  of  cedar  bark  or  small  spirit  chains, 
each  sewed  in  a  tiny  skin.  case.  ^When  these  things  are  employed 
water  must  not  be  drunk.  Sometimes  the  shaman's  wrists  and 
arms  to  the  elbow  are  painted  with  red  ochre.  He  again  seats  him- 
self by  the  side  of  the  patient,  and  after  again  trembling  for  a 
while,  commences  to  sing.  Those  who  have  accompanied  him, 
and  are  seated  at  one  side,  take  up  the  refrain,  keeping  time  with 
the  beating  sticks  and  a  small  skin  drum.  While  the  shaman 
sings  only  a  few  words  at  a  time,  the  others  sing  and  drum 
continuously.  Then  he  rises  and  dances  around  the  patient, 
his  eyes  closed  or  partly  closed.  He  may  carry  any  part  of 
an  otter,  mink,  marten,  ermine,  loon,  raven,  or  hawk  skin  in 
his  hand,  and  he  may  put  this  on  the  patient  or  touch  it  to  the 
part  affected.  He  may  put  his  hand  on  the  sick  person,  or  his 
own  lips  to  those  of  the  patient,  in  order  to  draw  the  evil  spirit 
from  him;  or  he  may  call  the  spirit  with  a  bone  whistle  which 
he  carries  in  his  hand.  The  performance  may  take  place  at 
any  time  of  the  day  or  evening,  and  it  lasts  from  half  an  hour 
to  an  hour.  When  he  departs  he  may  leave  at  the  side  of  the 
patient  anything  that  he  has  worn  or  carried,  for  the  purpose 
of  keeping  evil  spirits  from  him. 

If  after  several  visits  from  the  shaman  the  patient  does  not 
improve,  the  shaman  tells  the  family  that  a  witch  spirit  possesses 
him,  and  that  until  it  is  liberated  nothing  can  be  accomplished; 
then  after  further  payment  he  points  out  or  reveals  in  song  the 
person  who  has  bewitched  the  patient.  In  thus  indicating  the 
witch,  an  enemy  or  an  inoffensive  person  is  usually  made  respon- 


114  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

sible,  and  he  is  forthwith  bound  and  placed  in  an  outhouse 
without  food.  If  the  patient  recovers,  the  accused  person  may 
be  liberated,  but  if  he  dies,  the  one  charged  with  the  sorcery 
may  be  killed. 

Should  the  patient  recover  and  live  for  a  year,  the  shaman 
retains  the  payment,  but  if  he  die  within  that  period  all  of  the 
property  he  has  received  in  payment  for  his  services  is  returned 
to  the  family. 

Several  of  the  old  shamans  still  remain,  but  they  have 
generally  abandoned  their  practice,  except  in  a  mild  form  to 
treat  some  old  unregenerate  who  still  adheres  to  the  customs 
of  the  past.  An  instance  is  recalled  of  an  old  chief,  crippled 
with  rheumatism,  to  whom  the  shaman  had  given  small  strips 
of  the  neck  of  the  swan  to  bind  around  the  arms  above  the  elbows 
and  the  legs  above  the  knees. 

Regarding  the  witch  spirit  that  causes  sickness  and  death, 
the  people  know  only  what  the  shaman  tells  them  for  he  alone 
can  see  this  spirit,  and  if  his  power  is  the  greater  he  can  draw  it 
from  the  patient. 

MEDICAL  PRACTICE 

The  physical  treatment  of  disease  or  injuries  is  entirely 
distinct  from  the  practice  of  the  shaman.  For  many  ailments 
the  Tahltan  gather  herbs  and  root  stocks  which  they  prepare 
for  both  internal  and  external  use.  Knowledge  of  the  prepa- 
ration and  application  of  these  nostrums  is  possessed  by  all, 
but  some  of  the  older  women  are  regarded  as  authorities.  For 
inflammations  of  every  description  recourse  is  had  to  the  lancet, 
which  ordinarily  is  kept  in  the  repair  or  workbag,  and  the 
puncture  is  dressed  with  bird's  down.  In  the  pure  atmosphere 
wounds  heal  readily.  When  the  disease  is  internal,  and  its 
cause  not  understood,  it  is  attributed  to  the  machinations  of 
an  evil  spirit  that  has  entered  the  body,  when  the  services  of 
the  shaman  are  required. 

For   digestive    troubles    the    stem   of    the    soapberry  bush 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN    INDIANS.  115 

is  boiled  and  given  as  a  tea.  For  constipation  bear  grease  is 
taken.  For  burns,  spruce  leaves  are  chewed  and  used  as  a 
poultice.  For  rheumatism,  dog's  hair  is  burned  and  the  smoke 
inhaled  under  a  blanket.  Fractured  limbs  are  set  and  bound  in 
splints. 

Of  the  many  plants  used  for  medicine,  wild  rhubarb  root 
and  the  root  and  the  stem  of  the  devil's  club  are  most  freely  used. 

The  old  people  say  that  when  they  lived  in  the  open  through- 
out the  year,  colds  and  the  attending  troubles  were  unknown. 

Idiocy  is  believed  to  be  produced  in  childhood  or  even 
later  by  the  land  otter  eating  food  thrown  away  by  the  person 
afflicted  or  by  his  ridiculing  an  animal  having  a  spirit,  or  by  the 
killing  of  an  animal  having  young,  especially  a  bear  or  a  mink 
and  allowing  the  young  to  starve. 

Idiocy  at  childbirth  is  attributed  to  a  similar  act  on  the 
part  of  the  father  at  some  previous  time,  consequently  when 
an  animal  is  encountered  while  carrying  young  it  must  be 
killed  immediately,  the  front  feet  held  tight  in  order  that  they 
may  not  move,  and  the  throat  cut  quickly,  otherwise  the  child 
of  the  hunter  when  born  will  develop  convulsions.  Deafness 
and  dumbness  are  considered  inherited  from  an  ancestor  owing 
to  some  neglect  on  his  part  in  observing  the  laws  governing 
killing  the  young  of  animals  as  above  described. 

WAR  CUSTOMS 

From  the  fragmentary  stories  of  their  fighting  and  wars  it 
would  appear  that  in  early  days  the  Tahltan  were  embroiled 
with  their  neighbors  most  of  the  time,  and  the  names  of  a  number 
of  villages  are  remembered  that  were  destroyed  in  these  en- 
counters. With  the  Nishka  of  upper  Nass  river  they  were 
constantly  in  conflict,  and  frequently  so  with  the  Taku  over 
hunting  rights;  but  with  the  Kaska,  Bear  lake  people,  and 
Stikine  Tlingit  their  trade  relations  proved  a  bond  of  peace. 
Their  last  hostility  was  with  the  Nishka  in  1862,  since  which 


116  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

period  peace  has  prevailed,  although  they  speak  of  occasional 
trouble  with  the  latter  people. 

It  is  likely,  however,  that  time  has  greatly  exaggerated 
the  importance  of  these  conflicts,  and  while  at  times  consider- 
able parties  may  have  taken  the  field,  it  seems  probable  that 
ambuscades,  solitary  killings,  and  the  sacking  of  half  deserted 
villages  constituted  the  most  serious  results  of  their  campaigns. 
While  the  Tahltan  are  fearless  hunters,  it  is  hardly  probable 
that  they  were  ever  a  fighting  people  except  when  forced  to 
assume  the  defensive.  They  claim  to  have  used  in  war  a  de- 
fensive dress  of  hard  tanned  moose  or  goat  skin,  beneath  which 
was  sometimes  worn  an  armor  of  wooden  rods  bound  together 
with  a  twining  of  twisted  sinew  and  goat  wool  cord  in  alternate 
bands,  and  headpieces  of  wood.  Spears,  knives,  bows  and  arrows, 
were  their  weapons.Y  Of  these  accoutrements  nothing  remains 
except  the  war  knives,  and  most  of  these,  judging  from  the  fine 
workmanship  and  the  elaborately  carved  and  ornamental  heads, 
are  of  Tlingit  manufacture  (PI.  XII). 

Before  going  on  war  parties  the  shaman  might  perform  a 
ceremony,  calling  on  his  spirits  to  aid  the  people.  To  the 
leader  and  other  members  of  the  expedition  he  might  give  some 
medicine  charms,  as  a  piece  of  fur,  the  head  of  a  water  bird,  the 
claw  of  an  eagle  or  an  owl,  a  piece  of  obsidian,  or  the  like,  to 
protect  them  against  harm;  but  he  fought  just  the  same  as  the 
others./ 

,/\  For  war  the  face  was  daubed  with  red  ochre  and  black  paint, 
and  they  say  the  scalp  lock  was  tied  up.  The  custom  of  scalping 
was  practised,  all  the  hair  being  taken,  and  these  trophies  were 
displayed  only  at  family  ceremonies.  An  old  native  informed 
me  that  in  war  the  body  of  the  dead  enemy  was  sometimes 
roasted  and  the  warriors  cut  a  mouthful  from  it  not  as  food 
but  to  fulfill  an  ancient  custom,  but  this  no  one  else  confirmed. 
Prisoners  taken  in  war  were  made  slaves,  but  could  be  ransomed. 

Before  going  to  war  they  hardened  their  bodies  by  morning 
plunges  in  cold  water,  but  this  was  also  done  at  other  times. 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  117 

LEGENDS  AND  FOLKLORE 

History  and  legends  were  generally  known  to  all,  but  they 
were  particularly  in  the  keeping  of  individuals  who  taught  them 
to  the  children  at  night  about  the  fire.  A  few  days  after  each 
lesson  the  children  were  all  questioned  and  made  to  recite  what 
they  had  been  told,  and  the  most  apt  pupils  were  given  a 
thorough  course  of  instruction.  The  writer's  limited  experience 
in  this  matter,  however,  led  him  to  believe  that  the  older  women 
were  generally  the  better  informed  in  questions  of  history  and 
legend,  for  in  conversation  with  the  men  when  relating  old  stories 
they  would  often  appeal  to  the  older  women  for  aid. 

In  the  legends  of  the  Tahltan,  the  formation  of  the  earth  is 
not  accounted  for.  In  the  beginning  it  was  a  chaotic  mass  of 
mountainous  shore  and  ocean,  without  fresh  water,  and  en- 
veloped in  semi-darkness.  The  elements,  light,  fire,  and  fresh 
water,  existed  in  hiding  and  were  zealously  guarded  by  super- 
natural beings  co-existent  with  nature,  who  resented  the  coming 
of  man,  and  of  whom  little  is  known,  for  with  the  loss  of  their 
power  they  disappeared. 

The  mediator  and  creator  appeared  and  wrested  from  the 
mythical  beings  the  elements,  which  were  given  to  the  earth 
to  make  it  habitable.  He  then  made  man.  He  often  assumed 
/the  form  of  Cheskea  Cho — the  Big  Raven — as  he  was  called. 
The  principal  folk  tales  of  the  Tahltan  naturally  relate  to  the 
acts  and  wanderings  of  the  Raven,  but  they  are  so  similar  to 
those  of  the  coast  tribes,  which  have  been  told  often,  that  they 
may  be  presented  here  merely  in  outline. 

Light  was  hidden  in  three  bundles,  containing  the  sun, 
the  moon,  and  the  stars  respectively,  and  carefully  guarded  by 
the  master  spirit  who  had  a  daughter  approaching  womanhood, 
whose  every  movement  was  watched.  The  Raven  transformed 
himself  into  a  tiny  leaf  and  dropped  into  the  spring  from  which 
the  water  she  drank  was  dipped  with  a  basket,  and  although  the 
leaf  was  detected  and  thrown  away  several  times,  the  young 


118  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    III. 

woman  finally  swallowed  it.  Thus  was  the  Raven  conceived 
and  born  again  as  her  son.  The  grandfather  became  greatly 
attached  to  the  child,  and  could  refuse  him  nothing.  He  played 
with  the  bundles  of  light  as  a  baby;  but  as  he  grew  older  these 
were  withheld.  When  the  boy  became  ill  and  cried  incessantly 
for  his  old  playthings  they  were  given  to  him,  when  he  released 
the  light  from  the  bundles  and  threw  it  into  the  air,  to  take  its 
place  in  the  firmament. 

Fresh  water  was  in  the  possession  of  another  master, 
known  as  Kounugu,  who  slept  throughout  the  day  on  top  of 
the  well  that  contained  his  treasure.  The  Raven  came  to  him 
and  asked  for  drink  but  was  refused.  Then  he  went  away  and 
catching  a  few  drops  of  rain  in  his  bill,  hurried  back  to  the  water 
master  and  spat  the  water  out  before  him,  saying,  "see,  I  too 
have  fresh  water  I"  After  this  he  was  allowed  to  remain 
working  for  Kounugu.  Watching  his  chance  when  Kounugu 
slept,  he  rubbed  dirt  over  him,  and,  waking  him,  told  him  to  go 
out  and  wash.  When  the  water  master  was  about  to  wash  his 
face  Raven  told  him  that  he  would  do  it  for  him  and  asked  him  to 
open  his  eyes.  When  he  had  done  this  Raven  blinded  him  with 
urine,  and  quickly  diving  into  the  well,  drank  deeply  of  the  water, 
but  this  so  increased  his  size  that  he  was  caught  in  the  smoke 
hole  of  the  house  in  escaping. 

Kounugu  then  built  a  fire  of  pitch  kindlings,  the  smoke 
of  which  turned  Raven  black,  for  at  first  he  was  white. 
Escaping  from  the  smoke  hole,  he  flew  over  the  earth,  and  where- 
ever  he  let  fall  a  drop  of  water  from  his  bill,  a  lake,  a  river  or 
a  creek  was  formed.  Fire  was  likewise  released  from  its  keeper 
and  stored  in  the  trees  and  the  rocks  for  the  use  of  man. 

Now  the  earth  was  made  ready,  and  animal  life  already 
existed;  but  Raven,  wandering  far  and  wide,  became  lonely  for 
human  companionship.  He  came  to  Stikine  river  above  the 
canon,  and  as  he  sat  on  the  bank  he  saw  a  salmon  jump.  He 
was  very  hungry,  but  he  had  neither  spear  nor  hook  to  catch  the 
fish,  so  he  talked  to  it,  saying,  "come  here  and  hit  me  right  in 


G.    T.    EMMONS — THE   TAHLTAN   INDIANS.  119 

the  stomach."  As  he  spoke  the  salmon  jumped  at  him,  striking 
him  and  knocking  him  over;  and  before  he  could  recover  himself 
the  fish  had  wriggled  back  into  the  water.  Then  he  thought 
to  build  himself  a  low  stone  wall  at  the  water's  edge  (some 
say  he  dug  a  ditch),  and  standing  within  it  he  again  spoke  to 
the  salmon;  but  when  it  again  jumped  at  him  it  could  not  return 
to  the  water,  and  was  caught.  Raven  then  prepared  and 
cooked  the  fish  and  invited  all  the  smaller  birds  to  a  feast. 
When  the  salmon  was  cooked  under  the  turned-up  root  of  a 
tree,  Raven  took  a  piece  of  the  flesh,  and,  talking  to  the  root, 
offered  it,  saying,  "Na  Na,"  "here  take  it,"  but  quickly 
drew  it  back,  deceiving  the  root,  which  dropped  back,  covering 
the  salmon,  and  although  all  the  birds  dug  in  the  ground,  they 
could  not  find  the  fish.  Then  Raven  told  the  little  birds  that  he 
was  going  to  make  man,  but  they  did  not  believe  him,  and  as 
he  asked  each  one,  "have  you  young  inside?"  they  all  answered, 
"no."  Then  he  turned  to  the  rocks,  and  the  trees,  and  asked 
them  the  same  question,  and  they  both  answered  affirmatively, 
whereupon  he  told  them  that  the  young  firstborn  would  be  man; 
and  they  each  told  him  that  at  the  break  of  day  a  child  would 
be  born.  And  so  in  the  morning  the  tree  first  gave  birth,  and 
the  offspring  became  man,  therefore  as  the  tree  springs  from  the 
seed,  lives,  and  dies,  so  human  life  is  but  for  a  season.  Follow- 
ing the  birth  of  the  tree,  the  rock  brought  forth  its  offspring, 
which  was  of  stone  and  which  was  rejected  by  Raven  as  having 
everlasting  life. 

Following  the  creation  of  man,  when  the  world  was  still 
sparsely  peopled,  came  a  long  period  of  rain  that  covered  the 
surface  of  the  earth  and  destroyed  many.  The  few  that  were 
saved  climbed  to  the  top  of  the  loftiest  peaks,  and  after  the 
subsidence  of  the  water  settled  the  earth. 

These  stories  of  the  Raven,  the  creation,  and  the  flood  are 
common  to  all  the  tribes  of  the  northwest  coast  from  Puget 
Sound  to  the  Arctic,  and  are  localized  at  many  points.  Hence 
it  is  certain  that  the  Tahltan  borrowed  them  from  others.  Their 


120  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    III. 

great  similarity  to  the  stories  of  the  Stikine  Tlingit  would 
seem  to  indicate  that  the  Tahltan  borrowed  their  myths  from 
the  same  source  as  their  social  organization,  their  ceremonies, 
and  so  many  of  the  customs  that  distinguish  them  from  the 
more  easterly  and  primitive  Nahane. 


MAP   SHOWING   A   PORTION    OF  THE    NORTHWEST   COAST   OF   AMERICA  AND   THE 
COUNTRY    INHABITED    BY   THE    TAHLTAN. 


\ 


PLATE   I 

Nan-nook  head  chief  of  the  Tahltan. 


PLATE   II 

Kaska  John  and  his  wife. 


PLATE   III 

Koshon  (old  wolf)  and  his  wife  Thlogosqin. 


ANTHR.   PUB.   UNIV.   OF  PA.   MUSEUM   VOL.    IV 


PLATE  III 


KOSHON   AND   HIS  WIFE  THLOGOSQIN 


PLATE  IV 

Three  Tahltan  sisters. 


* 


PLATE  V 

An  aged  Tahltan  woman. 


ANTHR.   PUB.   UNIV.  OF  PA,   MUSEUM  VOL.    IV 


PLATE  V 


AGED  TAHLTAN   WOMAN 


PLATE  VI 

A:  Tahltan  camp  showing  structure  of  sweat  bath  in  foreground. 

B:  Tahltan  summer  camp. 

C:  underground  dog  houses  in  a  Tahltan  village. 

D:  house  of  bark  and  brush. 


PLATE  VII 

A:  food  cache  with  rude  ladder  made  of   a  notched  tree  trunk. 
B:  Tahltan  woman  and  her  dogs  with  packs. 


PLATE  VIII 

B  and  E:  drinking  tubes  used  by  pubescent  maidens. 

A,  C,  F,  G:  collars  worn  by  maidens  after  seclusion. 
D:  woman's  ear  ornament. 


ANTHR.   PUB.   UNIV.  OF  PA.   MUSEUM   VOL.    IV 


PLATE  VIII 


ARTICLES  USED  OR  WORN   BY  WOMEN 


PLATE  IX 

A  and  B:  ornamental  bags  of  caribou  skin  covered  with  colored 
cloth  and  beaded.  This  article  represents  an  original 
firebag  which  has  degenerated  into  an  ornament. 

C:  packing  bag  of  caribou  skin  with  beadwork  em- 
broidery. 

D:  netted  bag  of  babiche.  This  form  of  bag  is  carried 
by  men  to  contain  the  provisions  and  necessaries  for 
a  day's  travel.  Also  used  as  a  game  bag. 

E :  netted  bag  of  cord  made  from  the  wool  of  the  moun- 
tain goat.  It  is  used  for  carrying  fish. 


ANTHR.   PUB.   UNIV.  OF  PA.   MUSEUM   VOL.    IV 


PLATE   IX 


DIFFERENT   FORMS  OF   BAGS 


PLATE  X 

Man's  workbag  with  outfit. 

i :  knife.  2 :  snowshoe  chisel.  3  :  awl.  4:  whetstone.  5:  beaver 
teeth  used  as  a  knife  sharpener.  6:  caribou  sinew  for  making 
cord.  7:  lancet.  8:  paint  bag.  9:  bone  drinking  tube.  10:  bone 
gambling  toggle.  nibone  skinning  knife.  12:  bone  attach- 
ment for  pack  strap.  13:  powder  flask.  14:  piece  of  punk. 


ANTHR.   PUB.  UNIV.  OF  PA.   MUSEUM   VOL.    IV 


PLATE  X 


MAN'S  WORKBAG  AND  CONTENTS 


PLATE   XI 

Woman's  workbags. 

A,  i :  knife.     2 :  awl.     3 :    sinew   thread.     5 :  snowshoe    netting 

needle.     6:  stone  implement   for  dressing  skins.     7:  bone 
attachment  for  pack  strap. 

B,  i :  knife.     2:  awl.     3:    sinew  thread.     5:    snowshoe    netting 

needle.     6:  bone  skinning  knife  and  skin  dresser.     7:  bone 
drinking  tube. 


* 


PLATE  XII 

War  knives  in  sheaths  of  buckskin  and  cloth  decorated  with 
beadwork. 


ANTHR.   PUB.    UNIV.   OF  PA.   MUSEUM   VOL.    IV 


PLATE    X!i 


WAR  KNIVES    AND   SHEATHS 


PLATE  XIII 

Two  double  sets  of  gambling  sticks  in  their  carrying  bags  made 
of  caribou  skin  ornamented  with  dentalium  shells  and  colored 
beads. 


ANTHR.   PUB.   UNIV.  OF  PA.   MUSEUM  VOL.    IV 


PLATE  XIII 


GAMBLING  STICKS   IN   THEIR   HOLDERS 


PLATE  XIV 

Three  ceremonial  bags  of  buckskin  and  cloth  decorated  with 
beadwork. 


ANTHR.   PUB.  UNIV.   OF   PA.   MUSEUM  VOL.    IV 


PLATE    XIV 


CEREMONIAL  BAGS 


PLATE  XV 

Tahltan  pipes. 


PLATE  XVI 

Ceremonial  pipes  used  upon  feast  occasions.  The  ornamentation 
in  carving  and  inlaying  generally  represents  the  totemic  emblem 
of  the  family. 


PLATE   XVII 

Two  ceremonial  pipes.  The  upper  one  is  made  of  walnut  inlaid 
with  haliotis  shell  and  further  decorated  by  carving.  It  was 
found  in  the  possession  of  a  very  old  shaman  of  the  Tahltan  in 
whose  imagination  it  represents  a  beaver,  the  back  bone  being 
represented  by  the  carving  at  the  base  which  is  inlaid  with  pieces 
of  shell.  The  leaves  and  stems  according  to  this  interpretation 
represent  the  animal's  food.  This  pipe  like  its  companion  is  of 
Haida  design  and  workmanship. 

The  lower  pipe  in  the  illustration  is  made  of  boxwood  inlaid 
with  white  and  black  bone  and  further  decorated  by  carving 
and  painting.  In  shape  it  represents  a  canoe.  At  the  fore  end 
is  an  ivory  figure  which  shows  the  bow  man  watching  the  water 
ahead.  In  the  middle  is  a  miniature  house  with  windows  and 
lattice.  In  the  rear  is  an  ornamental  carving,  flower-like  in  de- 
sign. It  was  obtained  from  an  old  man  at  Tahltan  who  knew 
nothing  of  its  history  except  that  it  had  descended  to  him  through 
five  generations.  It  is  unquestionably  of  Haida  origin  and  is 
similar  in  design  and  workmanship  to  a  number  of  pipes  of  both 
wood  and  slate  in  the  U.  S.  National  Museum  gathered  by  the 
United  States  Exploring  Expedition  in  1841,  in  Oregon. 


PLATE  XVIII 

Fishing  village  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tahltan  river,  near  the 
site  of  the  first  known  settlement  of  the  Tahltan  people.  The 
houses  are  built  of  upright  saplings  stuck  in  the  ground  and 
bound  together  with  rope  of  twisted  bark  and  roofed  with  slabs 
of  spruce  bark. 


ANTHR.   PUB.   UNIV.   OF  PA.   MUSEUM   VOL.    IV 


PLATE  XVIII 


I 


MOUTH   OF  TAHLTAN    RIVER   WITH   FISHING   VILLAGE 


PLATE  XIX 

Decorated  gambling  sticks.  The  names  given  for  the  decorations 
are  as  follows. 

Upper  row:  arrow,  canoe  in  water,  man,  fresh  water  crab, 
fire,  bear  in  water,  dog,  lakes,  leg,  musk  rat. 

Second  row:  fire,  rock,  man's  eye,  caribou  horn,  mouse,  man's 
trail,  man,  osprey,  ptarmigan  arrow. 

Third  row:  crab,  porcupine  hook,  mink,  ?,  beaver,  rope,  ?, 
a  stick  across  the  trail,  fish  net,  lynx. 

Fourth  row:  fox,  canoe,  teeth,  black  bear,  sheep,  moose, 
arrow,  belly,  moose  skin  rope,  ground  hog. 


ANTHR.  PUB.  UNIV.  OF  PA.  MUSEUM.    VOL   IV. 


PLATE  XIX. 


DECORATED    GAMBLING    STICKS. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  AT  LOS  ANGELES 

THE  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped_belpw 

RECEIVED 
LD-URL» 


APR  S  - 195« 
1961 


MAY  2  3  1986 


A::  ^  WD.DAJW. 


iHfo^ 

TflM\   fcw* 


*7 


PLEASE  DO   NOT    REMOVE 
THIS   BOOK  CARDS 


»S 

O  3 


University  Research  Library 


